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THE  PEPET  LAW  IN  PHILIPPINE 
LANGUAGES 


A  DISSERTATION 

SUBMITTED   TO   THE   FACULTY  OF   THE   GRADUATE   SCHOOL   OF   ARTS 

AND   LITERATURE   IN  CANDIDACY  FOR  THE  DEGREE 

OF   DOCTOR   OF   PHILOSOPHY 

(DEPARTMENT   OF  SANSKRIT   AND  COMPARATIVE  PHILOLOGY) 


BY 


CARLOS  EVERETT  CONANT 


CHICAGO 

1913 


TLhc  xnniverstts  of  Cbicaao 


THE  PEPET  LAW  IN  PHILIPPINE 
LANGUAGES 


A  DISSERTATION 

SUBMITTED   TO   THE   FACULTY   OF   THE   GRADUATE   SCHOOL   OF  ARTS 

AND   LITERATURE   IN  CANDIDACY  FOR   THE  DEGREE 

OF   DOCTOR  OF   PHILOSOPHY 

(DEPARTMENT    OF   SANSKRIT   AND   COMPARATIVE   PHILOLOGY) 


BY 

CARLOS  EVERETT  CONANT 


CHICAGO 

1913 


The  Pepet  Law  in  Philippine  Languages. 

By  Carlos  Everett  Conant,  Lecturer  of  Indonesian  Languages,  University  of  Chicago. 

In  the  vocalism  of  Indonesian  languages  the  original  indifferent  vowel 
plays  an  important  role.  Resembling  the  Hebrew  shewa,  and  the  obscure  vovej 
of  many  Indo-European  languages,  it  was  so  colorless  and  indefinite  in  pn. 
nunciation  that  it  developed  differently  in  different  speech  groups.  In  somt 
languages  it  remained  practically  unchanged,  as  in  Javanese,  where  it  is  called 
pepet1,  while  in  others  it  evolved  into  various  and  more  or  less  definite  vowel 
sounds,  e.  g.,  IN2  atep  roof  became  Jav.  atep,  Mai.  atap,  Tag.  dtip,  and  Bis.  atup. 

Brandstetter  3  gives  the  following  concise  statement  of  the  varied  re- 
presentation of  pepet  in  several  of  the  more  important  languages  of  Indonesia: 

"The  Pepet  Law:  Where  the  IN  parent  speech  (Ursprache)  had  an  e 
(called  pepet  in  Javanese),  OJav.,  Tontb.,  Bug.  and  Karo  also  have  e,  Mkb. 
and  Mak.  a,  Bis.  and  Toba  o,  Tag.  /,  Day.  e,  Mai.  in  final  syllable  a,  in  the 
penultimate  syllable  <?,  Mlg.  in  accented  syllable  e,  in  a  syllable  following  the 
tone,  /." 

The  following  table  will  illustrate  the  above  law: 


rice 

sugar  cane 

roof 

hear          six 

Jav. 

tebu 

atep 

defter        enem 

Mak. 

tabu 

ata 

laftere       anaft 

Bis.            bugds 

tubo* 

atup 

liufidg       unom 

Toba          boras 

tobu 

— 

onom 

Tag.           bigds 

tubd 

dtip 

dinig         anim 

Day.           behas 

tewu 

atep  door 

—              — 

Mai.           beras 

tebu 

atap 

deftat        enam 

Mlg 

1  thrughout  the  article  to  desij 

rent          enim. 

'  Pepet  or'  e  will  be  employee 

gnate  the  original  indifl 

2  The  list  of  abbreviations: 

Bgb.  Bagobo 

IN  Indonesian 

OMlg.  Old  Malagasi 

Ban.  Banawi 

Inb.  Inibaloi 

Pamp.  Pampanga 

Bat.  Batan 

Isn.  Isinai 

Pang.  Pangasinan 

Bil.  Bilan 

Itw.  Itawi 

Phil.  Philippine 

Bkl.  Bikol 

Jav.  Javanese 

Sml.  Samal 

Bis.  Bisaya 

Kim.  Kalamian 

Sbl.  Sambal 

Bol.  Bolinao 

Knk.  Kankanai 

Sng.  Sangir 

Bon.  Bontok 

Kuy.  Kuyunon 

Sund.  Sunda 

Bug.  Bugis 

Lep.  Lepanto 

Tgk.  Tagakaolo 

Chro.  Chamorro 

Mgd.  Magindanau 

Tag.  Tagalog 

Day.  Dayak 

Mak.  Makassar 

Tgb.  Tagbamv.i 

Gad.  Gaddang 

Mai.  Malay 

Ting.  Tingyan 

Har.  Haraya 

Mlg.  Malagasi 

Tir.  Tirurai 

Hlg.  Hiligaina 

Mnb.  Manobo 

Tontb.  Tontemboan 

Ibg.  Ibanag 

Mkb.  Minankabau 

Yog.  Yogad 

Ilk.  Iloko 

OJav.  Old  Javanese 

Bis.,  when  not  qualified,  will  be  here  intended  to  include  the  three  great  dialects,   Hili- 
gaina, Cebuan,  and  the  Samar-Leyte  dialect. 
5  "Mata-Hari",  Luzern  1908,  p.  52. 
*  Unless  otherwise  indicated,  u  and  o  are  interchangeable  in  Philippine  languages. 


The  Pcpet  Law  in  Philippine  Languages. 


921 


For  a  of  Tag.  tubo  see  below,  p.  933. 

It  is  the  purpose  of  the  present  study  to  trace  the  evolution  of  this 
indifferent  vowel  (pepet)  thru  several  of  the  Philippine  languages  and  dialects. 
The  material  will  be  treated  under  seven  classes  or  types,  as  follows: 

I.  the  a/7-class,  represented  by  Phil,  atep  roof,  i.  e.  words  having  a  in 
the  first  of  two  syllables  the  second  of  which  has  pepet; 

II.  the  /?#-class:  Phil,  begas  rice; 

III.  the  //7-class:  Phil,  hipen  tooth; 

IV.  the  /?/-class:  Phil,  bell  to  buy; 

V.  the  M/7-class:  Phil,  pused  navel; 
VI.  the  /?«-class:  Phil,  penu  full; 

VII.  the  /7/7-class:  Phil,  lebeh  to  excavate.  ■ 

Following  out  this  classification,  it  will  be  convenient  to  limit  the  study 
at  first  to  eleven  of  the  more  conspicuous  speech  groups,  viz.:  Tag.,  Pang., 
Ilk.,  Mgd.,  Tir.,  Pamp.,  Ibg.,  Bkl,  Bis.,  Bgb.,  and  Sulu.  The  first  comparative 
table  will  give  a  general  view  of  the  phenomena  of  the  seven  classes  in  the 
eleven  languages  named.  This  will  be  followed  by  a  series  of  seven  tables, 
each  illustrating  a  single  class,  and  arranged  in  the  order  given  above.  After 
studying  the  phenomena  of  the  pepet  law  as  shown  by  the  material  thus 
presented,  other  languages  and  dialects  will  be  examined  according  to  the 
same  classification,  tho  vless  formally  and  completely,  owing  to  their  greater 
scarcity  of  available  material. 


Class 

I  ap 

\l  p  a 

III  ip 

IV  pi 

V  up 

VI  pit 

VII  pp 

Phil. 

atep 

begas 

hipen 

beli 

pused 

penu 

lebeh 

Tag. 

diip 

bigds 

nipin 

bili 

pusud 

puno 

libih 

Pang. 

ate  > 

belds 

hipen 

bili 

pus  eg 

pdnu 

— 

Ilk. 

atep 

•   bagds 

hipen 

— 

piiseg 

punno 

— 

Mgd. 

atep1 

begds 

hipen 

— 

puset 

penu 

lebeh 

Tir. 

atef 

begds 

kifen 

betlei 

fused 

fend 

lebeh 

Pamp. 

atdp 

abyds 

ipan 

abli 

pusad 

apnii 

albdh 

Ibg. 

at  dp 

baggd' 

hipan 

balli 

futdd 

pannii 

labbdh 

Bkl. 

at  up 

bagds 

hipon 

bili 

pusod 

pand 

lubdh 

Bis. 

atiip 

bugds 

hipon 

bili 

piisod 

pund 

luboh 

Bgb. 

atop 

buggds 

hipon 

balli 

pusod 

punno 

lubboh 

Sulu 

a  tup 

bugas 

ipun 

bi 

pusud 

— 

lubah. 

An  examination  of  the  above  table  with  reference  to  the  individual  lan- 
guages shows  that  pepet  regularly  becomes  i  in  Tag.,  e  in  Pang.,  Ilk.,  Mgd. 
and  Tir.,  a  in  Pamp.  and  Ibg.  and  u  in  Bkl.,  Bis.,  Bgb.  and  Sulu.  Languages 
which,  like  Tag.,  regularly  show  i  for  original  pepet,  may  be  spoken  of  as 
/-languages,  those  of  the  Pang,  type,  as  ^-languages  and  those  of  the  Pamp. 
and  Bgb.  types,  as  a-languages  and  ^-languages,  respectively. 

Before  proceeding  to  our  comparative  and  analytic  study  of  the  pepet 
vocalism,  attention  should  be  called  to  certain  other  phonological  peculiarities 

1  The  sources  for  Mgd.,  Tir.,  Bgb.  and  Sulu  do  not,  as  a  general  rule,  indicate  the  stress 
accent.  Wherever  ascertainable,  the  stressed  syllable  will  be  marked  in  this  paper  by  the  acute 
accent  ('). 


270919 


922  Carlos  Everett  Conant, 

of  the  languages  examined.  Most,  if  not  all,  of  these  peculiarities  will  be  found 
to  exist  to  a  greater  or  less  extent  in  other  Indonesian  speech  groups,  and 
a  general  comparative  study  of  any  one  of  them,  metathesis,  for  example, 
would  be  worthy  of  separate  treatment  in  a  copious  article.  For  our  present 
purpose,  however,  it  will  be  sufficient  to  note  such  secondary  phonetic  changes 
as  must  be  taken  into  account  in  order  to  recognize  the  original  phonetic 
equivalence  of  words  so  dissimilar  in  appearance  as  Pamp.  abyds  and  Ibg. 
baggd1,  both  accurately  representing  Phil,  begas  rice,  according  to  individual 
phonetic  laws  of  the  two  languages.  Thus,  while  both  Pamp.  and  Ibg.  are 
a-languages  regularly  showing  a  for  pepet  in  the  penult,  the  Pamp.  abyds 
has  metathesis  of  the  first  syllable  and  y  for  the  usual  Phil,  g  of  the  RGH 
series,  neither  of  which  phenomena  is  shared  by  Ibg.  baggd1,  which  doubles 
the  Phil,  g  and  represents  Phil,  final  s,  as  regularly,  by  an  Ibg.  t  that  has 
degenerated  to  the  glottal  top  (hamza),  tho  it  is  retained  with  full  pronun- 
ciation in  the  Ibg.  dialects,  Gad.,  Itw.  and  Yog.  baggdt  Compare  here  Ibg. 
appd'  four,  beside  Gad.,  Itw.,  Yog.  appdt 

Consonant  gemination.  —  Several  Phil,  languages  and  dialects 
double  a  single  intervocalic  consonant  under  certain  conditions. 

The  languages  of  the  above  table  which  show  this  doubling  are  Ilk., 
Ibg.  and  Bgb.,  the  examples  being  Ilk.  punno,  Ibg.  baggd',  balli,  pannii,  labbdn, 
and  Bgb.  buggds,  balli,  punno,  lubbon. 

Other  speech  groups  showing  gemination  of  consonants  are  the  Ibanag 
dialects  called  Gaddang,  Itawi,  and  Yogad,  and  the  Igorot  dialect,  Inibaloi. 
The  following  brief  table  will  illustrate  the  more  common  cases: 

Phil.  Ilk.  Ibg.  Gad.  Itw.  Yog.  Inb.  Bgb. 

four  epat  uppdt        appd'        appdt        appdt        appdt        appat        appat 

six  enem         innem        anndm      annem      ennSm       annSm      annim       annam 

seven        pitu  pito  pitu  pitu  pitu  pitu  pitto         pitto. 

In  all  these  languages  the  gemination  is  real,  that  is,  the  two  consonants 
are  distinctly  pronounced,  e.  g.,  the  pp  of  the  word  for  "four"  is  sounded  as 
in  Ital.  Giuseppe,  and  not  as  in  Eng.  upper. 

The  first  two  of  the  three  examples  follow  the  law  of  gemination  of  a 
single  consonant  following  a  pepet  vowel  (see  below,  pp.  927  ff.).  But  it  is  to 
be  noted  that  the  t  of  Phil,  pitu,  where  the  preceding  vowel  is  not  originally 
pepet,  but  /,  is  doubled  only  in  Inibaloi  and  Bagobo,  an  indication  that  these 
two  languages  have  a  stronger  tendency  to  gemination  than  the  others,  tho 
in  this  instance  it  is  quite  possible  that  the  phenomenon  is  due  to  analogy 
with  the  gemination  of  the  other  numerals.  This  latter  explanation  is  further 
borne  out  by  the  persistence  of  the  single  t  of  Phil,  batii  "stone"  in  all  the 
geminating  languages  here  enumerated1. 


1  Blake,  "Contributions  to  Philippine  Grammar",  Jour.  Am.  Or.  Soc,  vol.  27,  New  Haven 
1907,  p.  336,  has  noticed  the  doubling  of  single  consonants  in  Ilk.  and  Ibg.,  but  one  of  the 
two  examples  given  for  Ibg.,  namely,  battu,  is  erroneous,  the  correct  form  being  batii.  In  the 
same  article  (pp.  331  and  332)  attention  is  called  to  the  varied  vocalism  seen  in  Tag.  bigas, 
difttg,  silid,  the  suffix-m,  and  anirn,  and  their  cognates  in  Bis.  Bkl.  Ilk.  Pang.  Mgd.  Ibg.  and 
Pamp.  It  is  then  stated  "quite  possible  that  this  varied  vocalism  is  the  representation  of  a  fourth 


The  Pepet  Law  in  Philippine  Languages.  923 

The  rr  written  by  Padre  BennAsar  in  Tir.  words  is  not  a  case  of  gemi- 
nation, but  is  the  Spanish  mode  of  representing  a  single  r  sharply  trilled.  In 
certain  languages,  notably,  Ibg.  and  its  dialects,  double  consonants  are  often 
the  result  of  assimilation  rather  than  gemination  (see  below,  under  consonant 
assimilation). 

Consonant  assimilation.  —  Cases  of  both  partial  and  total  assimi- 
lation1 are  to  be  found  in  abundance  in  certain  Philippine  speech  groups. 

The  most  common  illustration  of  partial  assimilation  is  that  of  a  nasal 
conforming  to  the  class  of  the  following  consonant,  a  common  example  being 
the  variants  Tag.,  Pamp.,  Mgd.,  Sulu,  Tir.,  Bgb.,  Kuy.  kambih  goat,  and  Bkl. 
Bis.  kandin,  Gad.,  Itw".  gandin.  The  Ibg.  word  kazzih  shows  total  assimilation. 
The  most  striking  example  of  partial  assimilation  presented  by  the  material 
to  be  examined  in  this  paper  is  that  of  the  Pamp.  change  of  a  stop  con- 
sonant to  the  class  of  the  consonant  immediately  following.  The  consonants 
in  question  are  most  commonly  brot  into  contact  with  each  other  as  a  result 
of  metathesis,  e.  g.  Pamp.  abpd  fathom  from  Phil,  depa,  where,  after  meta- 
thesis, the  dental  sonant  d  becomes  the  labial  sonant  b  before  the  labial  surd 
p.  In  the  same  manner  labial-to-palatal  assimilation  is  shown  by  Pamp.  agkds, 
from.  Phil,  bekas  to  shoot  an  arrow,  and  the  labial  p  of  Phil,  apdu  gall 
becomes  the  dental  t  before  d  in  Pamp.  atdii.  This  partial  assimilation  of 
stops  is,  however,  very  limited  and  of  exceptional  occurrence,  even  in  Pamp., 
as  is  shown  by  Pamp.  atbti  (Phil,  tebu),  atbiis  (Phil,  tebus),  abldk  (Phil,  betak), 
akbdg  (Phil,  kabag),  akddl  (Phil.  kadSl),  agtdl  (Phil,  getel),  apdd  (contrasted 
with  atdu  for  apdd),  and  the  Pamp.  variants  agpdh  and  abpdh  rule,  standard. 

Total  assimilation  is  a  characteristic  of  some  languages,  notably  Ibg.  and 
its  dialects,  e.  g.  Ibg.  dggu  gall  (Phil,  apdu),  dggau  day  (Ilk.  &c.  aldau),  the 
consonant  of  the  RLD  series  becoming  g  in  Ibg.  as  in  iguh  nose  and  'piga 
how  much?,  Ibg.  Mug  egg  (Phil,  Mug),  Ibg.,  Itw.  uffu,  Gad.  uffu,  beside 
Pang,  ulpo  thigh.  The  Ilk.  equivalent  luppo  shows  metathesis  and  gemination. 
Assimilation  follows  metathesis  in  Ibg.  appd  (Phil,  depa)  fathom  (see  below, 
table  II).  The  case  of  Ibg.  tallu  &c.  will  be  treated  below  (p.  935).  The  Ibg. 
assimilation  of  a  final  consonant  to  a  following  initial  consonant  does  not 
concern  us  here. 

Metathesis.  —  This,  perhaps  the  most  striking  characteristic  of  the  In- 
donesian languages,  shows  a  high  degree  of  development  in  Philippine  speech, 
where  its  manifestations  are  exceedingly  varied  and  often  so  complex  as  to 
render  their  classification  difficult. 


primitive  Philippine  vowel,  an  indistinct  vowel  like  the  Indo-European  shewa  (Cf.  Brandstetter, 
"Tag.  u.  Mad.",  p.  34),  which  in  a  similar  way  is  represented  by  several  different  vowels  in 
the  various  Indo-European  languages  (Cf.  Brugmann,  "GrundriS  &c",  zweite  Bearb.,  Strafiburg 
1897,  Bd.  1,  p.  170)".  The  existence  of  the  pepet  vowel  in  the  IN  parent  speech  had  years 
before  been  established  by  the  Dutch  scholars  and  Brandstetter,  who  had  identified  this 
obscure  vowel  with  the  prototype  of  the  i :  u  correspondence  of  Tag.  bigds  and  Bis  bugds.  My 
own  study  of  the  pepet  vocalism  of  Phil,  languges  was  begun  in  the  Philippine  Islands  in  1901 
and  was  suggested  by  Brandstetter's  treatment  of  the  IN  obscure  vowel  in  his  "Die  Beziehungen 
des  Malagasy  zum  Malaischen",  Luzern  1893,  pp.  21,  22,  23,  et  passim. 

1  Cf.  SlEVERS,  "Grundzuge  der  Phonetik",  5th  ed.,  Leipzig  1901,  p.  277. 


924  Carlos  Everett  Conant, 

A  case  commonly  noted  is  that  of  the  metathesis  of  two  consonants 
thrown  together  by  the  syncopation  of  an  intervening  vowel  from  which  the 
stress  has  been  removed  by  the  addition  of  a  formative  suffix,  e.  g.  Tag.  aptdn 
from  atip,  Bis.  imnon  for  inumon  from  iniitn;  but  the  cases  of  metathesis 
appearing  in  the  material  collected  for  the  present  study  are  mostly  of  a 
different  character,  in  which  the  transposition  is  not  of  concurrent  consonants, 
but  of  a  consonant  and  an  adjacent  vowel  or  of  two  consonants  more  or  less 
widely  separated.  Metathesis  of  a  consonant  and  adjacent  vowel  is  seen  in 
Pamp.  altdu,  abyds,  atyds,  abpd  (table  II  below),  Ibg.  appd  (for  adpa  <  dapa), 
Mgd.  alpd  or  arpd  (beside  lepd,  repd),  and  Ilk.  luppo  beside  Pang,  ulpo  (see 
above). 

Metathesis  of  consonants  separated  by  a  vowel  is  seen  in  Bkl.  gabdt 
(Phil,  begat)  weight,  Ilk.  gasiit  (Phil,  gatus)  hundred,  Ilk.  gessdt  (Phil,  getas) 
to  cut  or  break  thread.  Initial  and  final  consonants  exchange  places  in  Ilk. 
sagdt  (Phil,  tegas)  hard,  Ilk.  subbut  (Phil,  tebus)  to  redeem,  the  Ilk.  variants 
gorrood  and  dolloog  thunder,  and  Pang,  sennit,  Ilk.  sam'it  beside  Tag.,  Bis. 
tam'is  sweet. 

Loss  of  intervocalic  /.  —  Several  languages  show,  with  greater  or  less 
regularity,  loss  of  an  /  between  vowels,  sometimes  with,  and  sometimes  without, 
resulting  contraction.  Sulu  always  drops  /  between  two  like  vowels,  which 
are  then  contracted,  e.  g.  dan  (Phil,  dalan)  way,  bl  (for  bill,  Phil,  bill)  to 
buy,  o  (for  olo,  Phil,  ulu)  head.  The  /  is  retained  in  Sulu  wain  eight  but  lost 
in  kauhan  (Cebu  Bis.  kaluha'dn)  twenty.  The  loss  is  less  regular  in  Tag. 
where  no  resulting  contraction  takes  place,  e.  g.  ddan  way,  but  dalan  to  sow; 
bili  to  buy;  pdo  or  pdwo  ten  (Phil,  pulu),  but  dlo  head.  In  Bontok  "ten"  is 
(sim)po'o, '  while  three  and  eight  are  told  and  walo,  respectively.  Kankanai 
and  Tingyan  also  have  tula  (told),  but  wd'o  (Phil,  wala),  and  (sim)po  ten, 
tho  /  reappears  in  Ting,  duapulu  twenty.  In  Isn.  the  Phil,  numerals  tela,  wala 
and  pulu  become  tin,  weu  and  piu,  respectively,  while  /  remains  in  Isn.  sala 
sin,  and  tulid  straight. 

RGH  and  RLD  laws.  —  The  phenomena  of  these  laws,  even  within  the 
limits  of  Philippine  territory,  are  too  varied  and  complex  to  permit  of  detailed 
study  here1.  While  the  consonant  of  the  RGH  series  appears  in  most  Phil, 
languages  as  g,  as  contrasted  with  the  r  of  Toba  and  Mai.  and  the  h  of  Day. 
and  Sangir,  there  are  several  of  them  in  which  it  is  represented  by  other 
sounds,  notably  r,  I  und  y,  tho  the  Phil,  g  often  appears  in  the  same  lan- 
guages alongside  the  other  representatives.  The  following  table,  showing 
examples  for  the  RGH  consonant  in  initial,  medial  and  final  position,  will 
present  the  more  common  cases: 


night 

hundred 

vein 

rice 

lip 

Phil. 

gabi 

gatus 

ugat 

begas 

bibig 

Ilk. 

rabii 

gasiit 

urdt 

bagds 

bibir  and  bibig 

Tir. 

— 

ratus 

urrat 

begds 

b6w£r 

Pang. 

Idbi 

lasus 

uldt 

belds 

bibil 

1  For  a   more  extensive   study   of  these  laws  see  "RGH  Law   in  Philippine  languages", 
JAOS  vol.  XXXI,  pp.  70—85. 


The  Pepet  Law  in  Philippine  Languages. 


925 


night 

hundred 

vein 

rice 

Inb. 

(ka)M(an) 

dasus 

ulat 

bekds 

Kim. 

labii 

— 

— 

— 

Knk. 

labi 

gasut 

uwat 

— 

Bon. 

lafi 

lasdt 

wath1 

— 

Lep. 

labi 

— 

uat 

— 

Ban. 

— 

— 

ulot 

— 

Ting. 

labi 

kdsut 

— 

bogas 

Pamp. 

— 

gat  us 

uydt 

abyds 

Bat. 

— 

yatus 

uyat 

— 

lp 


bibil 


bibi. 

Ilk.  and  Tir.  are  the  /--languages,  the  r  being  more  regularly  found  in 
the  latter.  The  /-languages  are  Pang.,  Kim.  and  the  Inb.,  Knk.,  Bon.,  Lep., 
Ban.  and  Ting.  The  ^/-languages  are  Pamp.  and  Bat.  It  is  to  be  noted  that 
most  of  these  languages  have  also  g  in  some  of  the  examples,  this  g  in  a 
few  cases  being  changed  to  the  corresponding  surd  k. 

Cases  of  apparent  irregularity  in  the  representation  of  the  RLD  con- 
sonant will  be  treated  as  they  appear  in  the  tables  that  follow. 

Other  phonetic  peculiarities  appearing  in  the  material  to  be  examined 
will  be  given  attention  only  when  deemed  necessary  in  order  to  identify  a 
word  with  its  cognates  in  other  languages. 

We  now  proceed  to  the  study  of  the  pepet  law  by  examining  the  material 
classified  as  outlined  above  (p.  921). 


Ta 

ble  I:  the 

ap-class. 
within, 

roof 

plant 

grasp 

sharp 

under 

great,  much 

leech 

Phil. 

atep 

tan  em 

dakep 

tarem 

dalem 

dake-l-a 

limatek 

Tag. 

dtip 

tanim 

dakip 

talim 

lalim 

dakild,  malaki 

limdtik 

Pang. 

atep 

tanem 

dakep 

tarem 

dalem 

dakel 

— 

Ilk. 

atep 

tanim 

dakep 

tadem 

addlem 

dakkel 

alimdtek 

Mgd. 

atep 

— 

dakep 

tarem 

idalem 

dakel 

limatek 

Tir. 

atef 

— 

— 

tarrem 

dalem 

dakel 

limetek 

Pamp. 

at  dp 

tandm 

dakdp 

tardm 

lalam 

dakdl 

limdtak 

Ibg. 

atdv 

tandm 

dakdi' 

tardm 

araldm 

dakdl 

alimatdk 

Bkl. 

atup 

tanum 

dakup 

tardm 

irdrum 

dakul,  dakuld 

limdtuk 

Bis. 

at  up 

tanum 

dakup 

talum 

ddlum 

daku 

limdtuk 

Bgb. 

atop 

— 

dakop 

— 

tadalom 

ddkol 

limatok 

Sulu 

atup 

tanam 

dakup 

— 

ha-lum 

dakola 

limatok. 

In  the  a/7-class  the  operation  of  the  pepet  law  is  remarkably  uniform. 
If  we  disregard  Sulu  tanam,  which  may  have  been  borrowed  from  Mai.,  the 
examples  in  the  above  table  show  no  exception  to  the  rule  that  pepet  becomes 
i  in  Tag.,  e  in  Pang.,  Ilk.,  Mgd.  and  Tir.,  a  in  Pamp.  and  Ibg.,  and  u  (or  o) 
in  Bkl.,  Bis.,  Bgb.  and  Sulu.  The  o  of  Ibg.  atop,  dakop,  alimatok  is  no  excep- 
tion, as  it  regularly  stands  for  an  Ibg.  a  representing  Phil,  e  when  followed 
by  a  final  glottal  stop  (hamza)  which  represents  one  of  the  surd  stops,  k,  t 
or  p.  This  o  has  an  open  sound  as  in  Ital.  pud,  and  is  entirely  distinct  from 
the  Ibg.  a.  When  a  suffix  is  added  to  the  root,  the  surd  stop  is  restored  and 


1  The  Bon.  examples  in  this  paper  are  taken  from  Jenks,  "The  Bontoc  Igorot",  Manila  1906. 


926  Carlos  Everett  Conant, 

the  Ibg.  a  reappears,  e.  g.,  alop,  with  the  locative  suffix  -an,  becomes  atappdn 
place  of  roof(ing)  with  Ibg.  doubling  of  original  p.  Phil,  a  regularly  remains 
unchanged  in  Ibg.,  e.  g.  baggd1,  taggd1  (table  II  below). 

The  consonant  of  the  RLD  series  is  given  in  the  hypothetical  Phil,  words 
heading  the  tables  as  r  when  medial  (tarem),  and  as  d  when  initial  (dalem) 
or  final  (pused,  table  V).  This  r  is  here  used  merely  as  a  convenient  symbol 
and  is  not  to  be  considered  as  in  any  way  indicative  of  the  original  character 
of  the  RLD  consonant,  which  in  the  majority  of  Phil,  languages  appears  as  / 
when  intervocative.  I  have  chosen  r  in  order  to  differentiate  the  RLD  con- 
sonant from  an  original  /. 

The  discussion  of  prefixed  elements,  as  seen  in  the  case  of  Phil.  dal£m 
and  limatek,  where  the  identity  of  the  examples  is  evident,  is  here  unnecessary. 

Sulu  ha-lum  is  for  ha-lalum  (<ha-dalum)  with  loss  of  intervocalic  /  and 
resultant  contraction.  The  Phil,  words  for  "great,  much"  show  three  variations: 
dake,  dakel  and  dakela.  The  first  variation  is  shown  by  Bis.  daku  and  Tag. 
malaki  (for  tna-daki).  The  intermediate  dakel  is  the  prototype  of  the  majority 
of  the  examples,  including,  besides  those  here  given,  Batan  rakah,  where  h 
represents  Phil.  /  (see  below,  p.  939).  The  third  variation  appears  in  Tag.  dakild, 
Bkl.  dakuld  (great  beside  dakiil  much),  and  Sulu  dakola,  and  probably  in 
Kim.  dakolo  and  Chro.  ddnkulo1. 

Table  II:  the  pa-class. 


to 

erupt. 

rice 

hard 

fathom 

chew 

demolish 

weight 

float 

Phil. 

begas 

tegas 

depa 

sepa 

geba 

begat 

letau 

Tag. 

bigds 

tigds 

dipd 

sapd 

gibd 

big'dt 

litdu 

Pang. 

belds 

segdt 

depa 

sepd 

gebd 

beldt 

letdu 

Ilk. 

bagds 

sagdt 

deppd 

sapd 

rebbd 

— 

lettdu 

Mgd. 

begds 

tegds 

lepd,        repd, 
alpd,    arpd 

sepd 

gebd 

begat 

letau 

Tir. 

begds 

tegds 

— 

sefd 

gebd 

begat 

letau 

Pamp. 

abyds 

atyds 

abpd 

sapd 

— 

bdyat 

altdu 

Ibg. 

baggd' 

taggd* 

appd 

sapd 

— 

— 

Idtau 

Bkl. 

bagds 

tagds 

dupd 

sdpa 

gabd 

gabdt 

latdu 

Bis. 

bugds 

tugds 

dupd 

supd 

gubd 

bug'dt 

lutdu 

Bgb. 

bugds 

tuggds 

duppd 

suppa 

gubbd 

— 

luttau 

Sulu 

bugas 

— 

dupa 

sopah 

— 

bog  at 

— 

With  the  exception  of  the  Ilk.  and  Bkl.  examples,  this  class  shows  a 
uniform  and  undisturbed  operation  of  the  pepet  law.  Tag.  sapd  is  an  isolated 
exception  for  which  I  have  found  no  parallel  among  the  thirty  words  of  this 
class  which  I  have  examined.  The  Mgd.  variants  for  Phil,  depa  are  interesting 
as  showing  the  unstable  representation  of  RLD  in  that  language,  the  con- 
sonant occurring  indifferently,  as  r,  I  or  d  (cf.  further  Mgd.  rugu,  lugu  or 
dugu  blood),  and  a  peculiar  metathesis  in  which  le,  re  become,  with  change 
of  vowel,  al,  ar. 

1  But  see  my  paper  "Consonant  Changes  and  Vowel  Harmony  in  Chamorro",  "Anthropos", 
vol.  VI  (1911),  pp.  136—146. 


The  Pepet  Law  in  Philippine  Languages.  927 

It  is  especially  worthy  of  note  that  the  geminating  languages,  Ilk.,  Ibg. 
and  Bgb.,  show  frequent  doubling  in  this  class,  that  is,  of  a  consonant  follo- 
wing the  pepet  vowel,  while  table  I  shows  only  one  case  of  gemination  (Ilk. 
dakkel)  before  the  pepet  vowel.  Likewise  in  the  following  tables,  as  a  general 
rule  classes  IV,  VI  and  VII  show  doubling  of  the  medial  consonant  in  the 
geminating  languages,  as  contrasted  with  classes  III  and  V,  in  which  no  examples 
of  gemination  appear.  Ibg.  tdddag  is  not  an  example  of  gemination,  but  of 
assimilation  (Phil,  tindeg).  It  may  therefore  be  set  down  as  a  working  rule  that!- 
Those  Philippine  languages  and  dialects  which  permit  of  consonant 
gemination  double  a  single  intervocalic  consonant  preceded  by  a 
vowel  representing  original  pepet,  whatever  be  the  nature  of  the 
following  vowel;  but  this  gemination  does  not  take  place  between 
two  vowels  of  different  origin,  the  second  of  which  is  a  pepet  vowel. 
Ilk.  bagds,  sagdt  and  sapd,  contrary  to  the  above  rule,  show  no  gemi- 
nation, and  at  the  same  time  have  a  instead  of  e  in  the  first  syllable,  while 
the  other  Ilk.  examples  have  the  regular  doubling  and  the  e  representation 
of  pepet.  The  bagds  type,  tho  constituting  half  the  examples  here  given,  is 
exceptional  (see  additional  list  of  pa-class  examples  given  below),  but  the 
regular  coincidence  of  the  a  vocalism  and  the  single  consonant  is  significant, 
and  not  to  be  regarded  as  merely  accidental.  The  identity  of  the  three  words 
with  those  listed  as  their  cognates  in  other  Phil,  languages  is  unquestionable, 
from  both  the  semantic  and  the  phonetic  standpoint,  the  metathesized  sagdt 
being  supported  by  Pang,  segdt  and  the  similarly  metathesized  Ilk.  subbiit 
(Phil,  tebus)  to  redeem  (table  VI),  and  the  pepet  origin  of  the  first  a  of  sapd, 
in  spite  of  the  isolated  Tag.  sapd,  being  further  vouched  for  by  Mai.,  Jav. 
sapah  and  Toba  sopa.  Thus  we  are  prepared  to  treat  these  three  words  as 
forming  a  category  of  Ilk.  words  in  the  pa-class  showing  at  the  same  time 
the  ungeminated  consonant  and  the  a  vocalism  of  pepet.  The  explanation  of 
this  striking  phenomenon  is  simply  that  the  pepet  vowel  is  assimilated  to  the 
a  of  the  following  syllable  when  only  a  single  consonant  intervenes,  while 
the  attractive  force  of  the  a  of  the  second  syllable  is  not  sufficient  to  affect 
the  pepet  vowel  of  the  preceding  syllable  when  the  two  vowels  are  further 
separated  by  gemination.  The  vowel  u  (o),  on  the  other  hand,  has  a  stronger 
influence  in  Ilk.  over  the  pepet  vowel  of  the  preceding  syllable,  as  shown  by 
Ilk.  punno  (Phil,  penu),  tubbo  (Phil,  tebu),  &c.  of  table  VI,  where  the  regres- 
sive vocalic  assimilation  takes  place  in  spite  of  the  intervening  gemination. 
The  following  additional  examples  are  given  as  further  illustration  of  the  pepet 
vocalism  of  the  pa-type  in  Ilk.  and  Bkl.: 

Phil.        Ilk.       Bkl.       Tag. 

bekas      bekkds    bukds     bikds 

betak      bettdk     batdk      bitdk 

beak  —       badk       bidk 

deg'as    deg'ds        —       dig'ds 

getas      gessdt    gatds  —       gutas 

Ilk.  deg'ds  is  no  exception  to  the  rule  for  gemination  nor  to  the  law  of 
assimilation  just  stated,  since  the  hamza  takes  the  place  of,  and  is  equivalent 
to,  an  additional  consonant. 


Bis. 

Phil. 

Ilk. 

Bkl. 

Tag. 

Bis. 

bukds 

left  a 

left/id 

laftd 

Una 

lurid 

butak 

letak 

lettdk 

latdk 

litdk 

lutak 

bu'ak 

pesa 

pessd 

pasd 

pisd 

pusd 

dug'ds 

tena 

tennd 

taftd 

Una 

tufta. 

928 


Carlos  Everett  Conant, 


Turning  our  attention  now  to  the  Bkl.  words  of  this  class,  we  find  that 
they  regularly  show  a  for  original  pepet,  instead  of  the  u  of  the  ap-class 
(table  I),  only  two  out  of  the  fifteen  examples  cited  showing  u,  viz.,  dupd 
and  bukds.  Is  this  Bkl.  a  to  be  explained  also  as  due  to  vocalic  assimilation 
as  in  the  case  of  the  Ilk.  bagds-iype?  Our  answer  depends  upon  an  exami- 
nation of  the  Bkl.  examples  of  the  other  classes  where  regressive  vocalic 
assimilation  could  affect  the  pepet  vowel,  that  is  to  say,  those  having  the 
pepet  vowel  in  the  first  syllable.  In  all  of  these  classes  there  are  Bkl.  examples 
showing  a  for  pepet,  apparently  without  regard  to  the  quality  of  the  vowel 
in  the  next  syllable,  e.  g.  Bkl.  sapi  (Phil,  sepi),  pano  (Phil,  penu),  danug 
(Phil,  deneg),  lunud  or  lamld  (Phil,  lened).  On  the  other  hand,  Bkl.  always 
shows  u  (o)  for  pepet  in  a  final  syllable  (cf.  tables  I,  III,  V  and  VII).  We  thus 
discover  that  Bkl.  has  a  tendency  to  represent  pepet  in  the  penultimate  syl- 
lable by  a,  and  is  therefore  not  a  w-language  exclusively,  but  also  an  a-lan- 
guage  in  so  far  as  the  natural  representation  of  penultimate  pepet  is  con- 
cerned. We  are  prepared  to  say,  then,  that  the  first  a  of  Bkl.  bagds  is  not 
to  be  explained  in  the  same  manner  as  that  of  tfai  Ilk.  bagds,  namely,  as  a 
case  of  assimilation,  but  the  regular  Bkl.  vocalism  of  penultimate  pepet.  Such 
occasional  exceptions  as  dupd  and  bukds  are  probably  due  to  the  working 
of  analogy.  For  the  metathesis  of  Bkl.  gabdt  and  Ilk.  gessdt,  see  above  (p.  924). 
Worthy  of  note  is  the  variety  of  the  RGH  consonant  in  Pang.,  Ilk.  and  Pamp., 
while  the  Tir.  examples  in  table  II  show  only  g  (see  above,  p.  926). 


Tabl 

e  III:  the  ip- 

■class. 

tooth 

slave 

cockroach 

desire 

to  stand 

black 

Phil. 

fiipen 

(e)ripen 

ipes 

ibeg 

tindeg 

item 

Tag. 

hipin 

alipin 

ipis 

ibig 

tindig 

itim 

Pang. 

fiipen 

aripen 

ipes 

ibeg 

talindeg 

— 

Ilk. 

fiipen 

adipen 

ipes 

— 

— 

— 

Mgd. 

fiipen 

uripen 

ipes 

— 

tindeg 

item 

Tir. 

kifen 

rifen 

ifes 

ibeg 

tindeg 

itam 

Pamp. 

ipan 

alipan 

ipds 

— 

tindig 

— 

Ibg. 

nipan 

aripan 

ipd1 

— 

tdddag 

— 

Bkl. 

nipon 

oripun 

— 

ibug 

tindug 

itum 

Bis. 

fiipon 

ulipon 

ipus 

ibug 

ttndug 

ittim 

Bgb. 

nipon 

— 

ipiis 

ibug 

tindug 

itum 

Sulu 

ipun 

ipun 

— 

— 

tindog 

itum 

The  jp-class,  like  the  ap-class,  shows  remarkable  uniformity  of  the  pepet 
vocalism.  The  i  of  the  first  syllable  evidently  exerts  no  influence  over  the 
pepet  vowel.  Pamp.  tindig  and  tinig  (Phil,  tinig,  Tag.  tihig.  Bis.  tihog  voice) 
are  exceptions  for  which  there  is  at  present  no  explanation.  The  possibility 
that  they  are  borrowed  from  the  neighboring  language,  Tagalog,  is  remote 
owing  to  their  primitive  meaning.  Tir.  itam  is  a  Mai.  loan  word.  The  o  of 
Ibg.  ipo',  of  which  there  are  several  examples  in  the  tables  that  follow,  is 
for  Ibg.  a  as  explained  above  (p.  927).  In  Ibg.  tdddag  n  is  assimilated  to  the 
following  d  and  the  a  of  the  first  syllable  is  due  either  to  an  exceptional 
assimilation  to  the  following  a,  or  to  analogy.  The  initial  (S)  of  (i)ripin  will 
be  discussed  below  (pp.  934  ff.). 


The  Pepet  Law  in  Philippine  Languages.  929 

Table  IV:  the  pi- class, 

to  buy       strip  off          seed                                       to  buy  strip  off      seed 

Phil.            beli               sepi              ben'i                      Pamp.          ablt  aspi             bini 


Tag. 

bili 

sipi 

binhi 

VIb§- 

balli 

tap  pi 

bini 

Pang. 

bili 

sipi 

bini 

^Bkl. 
1  Bis. 

bili 

sapi 

banhi 

Ilk. 

— 

— 

bin'i 

bili 

sipi 

binhi 

Mgd. 

— 

— 

benih  (Mai.) 

Bgb. 

balli 

— 

binni 

Tir. 

betlei 

sefe 

bene 

Sulu 

bi 

— 

— 

Unquestioned  examples  of  the  /?/-class  are  few.  Total  regressive  assimi- 
lation of  vowels  has  here  been  more  extensive  than  in  any  of  the  other 
classes,  tho  its  operation  has  in  some  cases  been  so  erratic  as  to  defy  clas- 
sification. 

So  great  is  the  apparent  irregularity  of  vocalism  here  that  the  investigator 
is  strongly  tempted  to  set  up  a  variable  prototype,  e.  g.,  beli:  bili,  pending 
the  identification  of  further  material  for  comparison.  Most  of  the  examples, 
however,  are  readily  explained  as  due  to  the  law  of  vocalic  assimilation, 
restricted  by  an  intervening  consonantal  increment,  such  as  that  produced  by 
gemination,  between  the  pepet  vowel  and  the  following  i. 

Before  proceeding  with  the  study  of  the  Phil,  examples,  let  us  further 
justify  their  classification  by  reference  to  their  cognates  in  some  of  the  other 
related  languages.  The  e  of  Phil,  beli  is  represented  regularly  according  to 
the  general  pepet  law  (p.  920)  in  OJav.  well,  Mai.  Bali  beli,  Toba  boll,  Mak. 
balli.  Cam  blei  shows  loss  of  pepet  as  in  brah  (Phil,  begas,  Mai.  beras). 
But  Day.  bili  and  Mlg.  vidi,  in  both  of  which  we  should  expect  e,  show 
assimilation  to  the  following  i.  For  sepi  I  have  traced  no  cognates  outside 
of  Phil,  territory.  Cognate  with  Phil,  ben'i  are  Mai.  be'nih,  Toba  boni,  which 
show  the  regular  vocalism,  and  OJav.  winih,  Sund.  binih,  Mak.  bine,  Bug.  wine, 
and  Day.  binyi,  which  show  assimilation.  The  h  of  Tag.  binhi,  Bid.  banhi, 
and  Bis.  binhi  takes  the  place  of  the  hamza,  as  often  in  the  //-languages 
(cf.  Tag.  Bkl.  Bis.  Bgb.  Sulu  dahun,  Phil,  da'un  leaf).  It  is  quite  possible  that 
the  same  holds  true  for  the  y  of  Day.  banyi1. 

Returning  to  the  Phil,  material  in  table  IV,  we  find  in  the  Tag.  examples 
neither  difficulty  nor  assistance,  since  Tag.  is  an  /-language.  The  Pang.  Ilk. 
Bis.  and  Sulu  examples  all  suffer  assimilation  of  the  pepet  vowel  to  the  follo- 
wing /.  The  Tir.  words  have  regularly  e.  The  t  of  Tir.  betlei  is  obscure,  but 
there  can  be  little  doubt  of  the  identity  of  this  word,  as  it  is  the  only  Tir. 
term  for  barter  (buy  or  sell),  and  offers  no  other  phonetic  difficulty,  the  final 
ei  being  practically  the  same  sound  as  the  final  S  of  sefe  and  bene",  and  re- 
presenting original  /,  just  as  en  in  Tir.  bateu  stands  for  original  u.  Pamp.  has 
assimilation  in  bini,  but  not  in  abli  and  aspi,  where  it  is  prevented  by  the 
intervention  of  two  consonants  brot  together  by  metathesis.  Likewise  in  Ibg. 
the  pepet  vowel  is  assimilated  in  bini,  where  only  a  single  consonant  sepa- 
rates it  from  the  attracting  vowel,  but  not  in  balli  and  tappi,  where  gemination 


1  Brandstetter,  "Mata-Hari",  Luzern  1908,  p.  24,  considers  the  phonetic  interrelation 
of  these  cognates  "vielfach  unklar".  The  Ilk.  variant  beni  given  in  this  citation  is  not  found  in 
the  Lopez-Carro  Iloko  dictionary,  nor  have  I  found  it  in  other  sources. 


930 


Carlos  Everett  Conant, 


takes  place.  Ibg.  tappi  has  t  for  Phil,  s  regularly  as  in  taki'  (Phil,  sakif)  pain. 
Bkl.  here  wavers  between  the  regular  a  and  assimilation.  Most  peculiar  and 
inconsistent  of  all  the  examples  studied  for  any  class  are  the  Bgb.  balli  and 
binni,  especially  when  we  compare  here  Bgb.  palli  (IN  pili)  to  choose,  showing 
a  for  an  unmistakably  original  /. 

Mai.  sepit,  Sund.  jepit,  Jav.  sapil  (with  exceptional  a)  pinchers  must  be 
referred  to  a  prototype  having  pepet  in  the  first  syllable,  which  suffers  assi- 
milation in  Mak.,  Bug.  sipi.  The  Phil,  cognates  have  i  in  both  syllables  in  all 
the  eleven  languages  of  the  classified  tables:  Tag.,  Pang.,  Ilk.,  Mgd.,  Pamp.,  Bkl., 
Bis.,  Bgb.  sipit  (with  varying  accent),  Ibg.  sipi',  Tir.  sifit,  Sulu  gipit  (if  g  can 
be  explained).  Whether  assimilation  of  the  pepet  vowel  has  here  acted  inde- 
pendently in  the  various  Phil,  languages  or  had  already  taken  place  in  the 
Phil,  prototype  is  an  open  question;  but  that  the  IN  prototype  was  a  word 
showing  pepet,  and  that  the  penultimate  i  of  the  non-/  languages  is  a  result 
of  assimilation  at  some  stage  of  IN  speech  evolution  is,  in  my  opinion,  beyond 
doubt.  A  good  example  of  the  /7j'-class  outside  of  Phil,  territory  is  IN  tepi 
edge,  border,  which  shows  the  regular  vocalism  in  Mai.  and  Jav.  tepi,  Toba 
topi,  Mak.  tappi,  Bug.  teppi.  It  seems  probable  that  assimilation  is  prevented 
in  the  Mak.  and  Bug.  examples  by  the  intervening  consonant  gemination  as 
in  Mak.  balli,  while  it  appears  in  Mak.  bine,  sipi  and  Bug.  wine,  sipi.  If  this 
is  true,  we  have  in  Mak.  and  Bug.  an  exact  parallel  to  the  Phil,  law  of  vocalic 
assimilation.  The  only  possible  Phil,  cognates  of  Jav.  tepi  &c.  which  I  have 
been  able  to  trace  are  Bkl.  tapi  to  lack  little  of,  Bis.  tapi  edge  of  boat,  Pang. 
tdpi  board,  and  Ilk.  tappi  to  fill  to  the  edge,  run  over.  If  these  are  to  be 
with  the  non-Philippine  words,  which  to  me  seems  more  than  probable,  the 
uniform  Phil,  a  is  very  obscure. 

Table  V:  the  «/?-class. 


navel 

brain 

hair 

knee 

worm 

snake 

yes 

Phil. 

pused 

utek 

buek 

tued 

uled 

uWg 

ue(n) 

Tag. 

pusud 

utak 

buhok 

tuhod 

6od,  6wod,  dhod 

— 

do 

Pang. 

puse'g 

utdk 

buek 

— 

— 

uleg 

on 

Ilk. 

piiseg 

utek 

bodk 

— 

— 

uleg 

wen 

Mgd. 

puset 

utek 

buk 

uled 

ular  (Mai.) 

wai 

Tir. 

fused 

utek 

ebuk 

etur 

—  — 

utrar 

hoo,  hee 

Pamp. 

piisad 

utak 

budk 

tud 

uldd 

— 

dwa 

Ibg. 

futdd 

ut6k 

vuk,  vu'x 

tudd 

— 

uldg  mouse 

uwdn 

Bkl. 

pusdd 

hutuk 

biihuk 

tuhud 

lilud 

— 

6ho 

Bis. 

piisod 

lit  ok 

buhdk 

tuhud 

lilud 

— 

do 

Bgb. 

pusod 

utuk 

— 

— 

olod 

00 

Sulu 

pusud 

utuk 

buhok 

tuhud 

ud 

hit. 

1  The  correct  Ibg.  word  is  vuk,  and  not  vu',  tho  the  latter  is  the  only  form  given  by 
Pavo  in  his  "Diccionario  Espaiiol-Ibanag"  (sic),  Manila  1867.  Both  forms  are  given  in  the  older 
work  of  Bugari'n,  "Diccionario  Ibanag-Espaiiol",  Manila  1854,  and  twA  only  in  a  still  older  MS 
Ibg.-Span.  dictionary  in  my  possession.  The  k  form  is  also  supported  by  the  testimony  of  the 
Ibg.  dialects  Gad.  and  Itw.,  which  have  buk  and  ahiik,  respectively,  the  final  k  being  here 
fully  pronounced.  As  the  original  final  surd  stops  are  not  distinguished  in  pronunciation  in  Ibg., 
where  they  pass  into  hamza,  except  when  supported  by  a  suffix,  they  are  often  confused  with 
each  other  in  that  language.   This  is  especially  frequent  with  words,   which,  like  buk,   have  no 


The  Pepet  Law  in  Philippine  Languages.  931 

With  the  exception  of  Tag.,  the  languages  here  present  the  regular  pepet 
vocalism,  unless  pepet  is  lost  entirely  as  occurs  in  several  cases,  where  the 
two  vowels  are  concurrent,  e.  g.,  Pang,  on,  Mgd.  buk,  Tir.  ebuk,  elur,  Pamp. 
tad,  Ibg.  vu'e. 

This  is  probably  best  explained  as  an  absorption  of  the  weak  pepet 
vowel  by  its  neighbor.  Sulu  ud  and  ha  are  examples  of  contraction  of  two 
concurrent  similar  vowels,  the  former  after  loss  of  the  intervening  /  (see  above, 
p.  924).  In  some  words,  however,  Sulu,  being  an  /^-language,  bridges  the  hiatus 
between  two  vowels  by  the  intercalation  of  h.  Phil,  buek  and  tued  show  this 
h  uniformly  in  Tag.,  Bkl.,  Bis.  and  Sulu.  buhuk,  tuhud. 

Tag.,  which  has  hitherto  shown  regularly  i  for  pepet,  here  deviates  from 
its  regular  vocalism,  and,  with  the  single  exception  of  the  isolated  liiak,  sub- 
stitutes u(o).  We  evidently  have  before  us  an  example  of  progressive 
vocalic  assimilation,  which  is  not  paralleled  elsewhere  in  the  material  of  the 
eleven  languages  here  tabulated,  unless  the  isolated  Ilk.  book  is  thus  to  be 
explained.  The  assimilation  with  which  we  have  to  do  in  the  other  classes 
is  regressive.  Progressive  assimilation  is  likewise  doubtless  the  explanation 
of  the  second  u  of  Sund.  bank  hair  and  iuur  knee1,  and  of  Batan  badk,  tuud, 
Kim.  food,  Kuy.  book.  That  this  assimilation  in  Tag.  is  prevented  by  the 
intervention  of  more  than  one  consonant  is  indicated  by  the  regular  i  of 
Tag.  batlig  wart,  whose  pepet  origin  is  vouched  for  by  the  cognates,  Pang. 
but/eg,  Bkl.,  Bis.  butlog,  Pamp.  batlig.  We  are  already  prepared  for  this  case 
of  prevented  assimilation  by  our  study  of  the  same  phenomena  in  the  pa- 
class  and  the  /?/-class. 

The  a  of  Tag.  dtak  is  an  exception  to  which  I  know  no  parallel  in 
Tag.  Brandstetter  (Prodromus,  p.  51)  sets  up  the  variant  series  utak,  atek, 
atok  to  account  for  the  vocalic  variety  seen  in  Tag.  dtak,  Jav.  utak  and  atek, 
and  Mak.  otoq  (<7  =  hamza).  I  am,  however,  strongly  of  the  conviction  that 
further  investigation  of  the  laws  of  pepet  evolution  as  affected  by  the  more 
powerful  action  of  the  laws  of  assimilation  and  analogy  will  establish  the 
original  identity  of  these  various  forms,  and  the  preponderance  of  examples 
showing  a  vowel  of   unmistakable   pepet   origin,   together  with   those   whose 


forms  with  suffix  to  preserve  the  character  of  the  original  stop.  The  erroneous  /  written  by  Payo 
and  by  Bugarin  (or  one  of  his  numerous  revisers)  in  addition  to  the  correct  A-form,  is  doubtless 
due  to  popular  analogy  with  other  Ibg.  words  of  more  or  less  similar  meaning  properly  ending 
in  original  t,  e.  g.  kuW  kinky  hair,  gunu'  hair  of  the  wild  palm,  duddil*  hair  of  the  body. 
The  Ibg.  wWi,  therefore,  does  not  belong  with  Mai.  rambut,  as  suggested  by  Brandstetter 
("Prodromus",  p.  42),  but  with  Toba  buk,  Sund.  buuk  and  the  Phil,  words  in  k.  For  my  ortho- 
graphy v  instead  of  the  t  of  the  Spanish  dictionaries  and  grammars,  cf.  my  paper  "F  and  V  in 
Philippine  Languages",  p.  139. 

1  Brandstetter,  "Prodomus",  p.  41,  instead  of  setting  up  a  dissyllabic  IN  prototype 
buek,  tued,  from  which  both  the  dissyllabic  and  the  monosyllabic  forms  are  eastly  derived  as 
explained  above,  considers  the  monosyllabic  type  the  original  one  and  then  attempts  to  explain 
the  longer  forms  Tag.  buhok,  tuhod,  Sund.  buuk,  tuur  as  extensions  of  this  prototype,  admitting, 
however,  that  the  extension  (Zerdehnung)  seen  in  Bis.  and  Tag.  buhok  is  "ratselhaft".  In  the 
same  work  (p.  48)  the  author  shows  how  simply  and  naturally  the  dissyllabic  prototypes  with 
pepet :  teras,  terab,  berat  degenerate,  thru  OJav.  twas,  twab,  bwat,  to  New  Jav.  tos,  a-tob,  bot. 


932  Carlos  Everett  Conant, 

vowel  could  have  developed  from  either  pepet  or  another  vowel,  makes  it 
certain  that  when  such  identity  is  established  it  will  be  on  the  basis  of  original 
pepet.  That  the  positing  of  variant  forms  in  general  in  the  study  of  IN  pho- 
nology and  morphology  is  merely  a  convenient  makeshift  for  a  temporary 
classification  of  phenomena  not  yet  sufficiently  investigated,  and  hence  does 
not  commit  the  investigator  to  any  theory  that  may  later  be  proved  untenable, 
is  distinctly  stated  by  Brandstetter  ("Mata-Hari",  p.  53,  par.  96),  and  this  is 
the  only  possible  method  of  proceeding  to  a  scientific  arrangement  of  many 
phonetic  phenomena  presenting  problems  awaiting  solution  in  this  compara- 
tively new  field  of  research. 

The  similarity,  both  in  form  and  meaning,  of  Phil,  tiled  and  uleg,  together 
with  the  fact  that  most  Phil,  languages  having  the  one  word  do  not  have  the 
other,  would  at  first  sight  suggest  a  confusion  here  of  the  final  RLD  and  RGH 
consonants,  and  lead  one  to  the  conclusion  that  the  word  with  a  final  con- 
sonant wavering  between  that  of  the  RLD  and  the  RGH  series  has  come  to 
have  the  exclusive  meaning  "worm"  in  some  languages  and  that  of  "snake" 
in  others.  But  in  spite  of  the  physical  similarity  of  the  two  objects,  worm 
and  snake,  they  seem  never  to  have  been  confused  by  the  primitive  Indo- 
nesian, certainly  not  by  the  Filipino,  all  of  whose  languages,  so  far  as  I  have 
been  able  to  examine  them  lexically,  have  distinct  words  for  the  two  ideas. 
Thus  the  blank  spaces  under  "worm"  and  "snake"  in  the  above  table  (V) 
may  be  semantically  filled  out  as  follows;  "worm":  Pang,  bigis,  Ilk.  egges, 
Tir.  sofot,  Ibg.  tuggit;  "snake":  Tag.  dhas,  Mgd.  nipai,  Pamp.  ubitian,  Ibg. 
irdu,  Bkl.,  Bis.  hdlas,  Bgb.  bakossan,  Sulu  has  (the  Tag.,  Bkl.,  Bis.  and  Sulu 
words  being,  of  course,  identical).  Under  none  of  the  definitions  given  is 
there  any  suggestion  of  confusion  between  the  concepts  "worm"  and  "snake". 
Add  to  this  the  uniform  RLD  consonant  in  the  words  having  the  former 
meaning  and  the  equally  uniform  RGH  consonant  of  the  others,  as  well  as 
the  existence  in  Mai.  of  both  ulat  (hulat)  worm  and  ular  snake1,  and  the 
probability  of  confusion  of  the  two  prototypes  disappears. 

The  exceptional  a  of  Tir.  tirrar  may  be  due  to  the  influence  of  the 
adjacent  r  sounds.  The  w  of  Ilk.  wen  and  Mgd.  wai  represents  the  original 
a  which,  after  loss  of  accent,  has  weakened  to  a  semivowel;  that  of  Pamp. 
owa  and  Ibg.  uwdn  is  a  semivocalic  glide  developed  between  the  two  vowels, 
while  in  Bkl.  oho  the  h  is  inserted  a  in  bdhok,  tuhod.  The  vocalism  of  Mgd. 
wai,  where  we  should  expect  we,  is  unclear.  The  Tir.  variants  hoo,  hcc 
exemplify  a  law  of  vocalic  interchange  peculiar  to  Tir.,  and  as  yet  little  under- 
stood, but  paralleled  by  the  Tir.  pluralizing  variants  de,  do,  da. 

Table  VI:  the  /?«-class. 


full 

sugar  cane 

redeem 

pedere 

sound 

to  sate 

to  boil 

Phil. 

penu 

tebu 

tebus 

etut 

tenug 

oesug 

scbu 

Tag. 

pund 

lubo 

tubds 

a  tot 

tunog 

buS6g 

subd 

Pang. 

pdnu 

tabu 

- 

atot 

tandl 

— 

sabd 

'  The  /  of  Mai.  ulat  is  for  the  sonant  d  of  the  RLD  series  by  the  law  of  final  stop  con- 
sonants, the  r  of  ular  reguiarly  for  RGH. 


The  Pepet  Law  in  Philippine  Languages. 


933 


full 

sugar  cane 

redeem 

pedere 

sound 

to  sate 

to  boL 

Ilk. 

punnd 

tubbo 

subbut 

uttdt 

— 

bussiig 

sobbd 

Mgd. 

penu 

tebu 

tebus 

tud 

tanuk 

— 

— 

Tir. 

fend 

— 

tebus 

etiit 

— 

besor 

— 

Patnp. 

apnti 

atbu 

atbus 

atut 

atni 

dbsi 

asbd 

Ibg. 

pannu 

tavvu 

tavvu* 

attii' 

tannug 

battug 

tavvu 

Bkl. 

pand 

tubu 

tubus 

atdt 

tandg 

basdg 

sabd 

Bis. 

pund 

tubd 

tubds 

utdt 

tundg 

busog 

subd 

Bgb. 

punnd 

tubbo 

tubbos 

uttdt 

— 

bussog 

— 

Sulu 

— 

tubu 

— 

utut 

— 

— 

— 

Tag.  shows  u  for  pepet  as  in  the  preceding  class,  but  here  by  regres- 
sive assimilation.  Ilk.  likewise  has  u  for  the  same  reason  (cf.  above,  p.  931). 
Pang,  shows  a  instead  of  the  regular  e.  This  is  evidently  a  case  of  partial 
assimilation  to  the  following  u.  The  geminating  languages  here  show  doubling 
of  the  medial  consonant  in  all  the  examples  (see  above,  consonant  doubling), 
and  the  Pamp.  examples,  excepting  atut,  show  metathesis  in  the  first  syllable. 
Ilk.  subbut  is  an  example  of  metathesis  of  initial  and  final  consonants  not 
infrequent  in  that  language  (see  above,  under  metathesis).  Mgd.  has  an  ex- 
ceptional a  in  tanuk,  which  shows  the  surd  k  finally  for  the  sonant  g,  as 
Mgd.  puset  for  Phil,  pused  (table  V).  A  comparison  of  the  final  consonantism 
with  that  seen  in  Mgd.  uled  (Phil.  ulSd)  and  Mgd.  tud  (Phil,  etuf)  would 
indicate  that  final  stops  in  Mgd.  waver  between  surd  and  sonant,  whatever 
may  have  been  the  original  sound. 

In  Pamp.  atni  and  absi  we  have  a  peculiar  treatment  of  original  final 
ug,  the  g  of  the  RGH  series  becoming  the  semivowel  y  or  i,  which  with  the 
preceding  u  first  forms  a  diphthong  ui,  from  which  the  labial  element  is  later 
lost  after  shifting  of  accent  to  the  final  component  i. 

The  Bkl.  words  have  the  regular  a  for  pepet  in  the  penult  in  five  of  the 
seven  examples  here  tabulated,  in  spite  of  the  following  u  (cf.  above,  p.  931). 


li 

tble  VII: 

the  pp-cl 
cleave, 

ass. 

to  close 

excavate 

pole 

hear 

stick 

thorn 

(hand) 

six 

Phil. 

lebefi 

teken 

deheg 

deket 

tenek 

kemkem 

enem 

Tag. 

libih 

tikin 

dinig 

dikit 

tinik 

kimkim 

anim 

Pang. 

— 

teken 

denel 

— 

tenek 

kemkem 

anem 

Ilk. 

— 

tekken 

define g 

rekket 

tennek 

kemkem 

innem 

Mgd. 

leben 

teken 

— 

deket 

tenek 

— 

anem 

Tir. 

lebeh 

— 

— 

deket 

— 

kemkem 

enem 

Pamp. 

albdh 

atkdn 

— 

— 

— 

kamkdm 

andm 

Ibg. 

labbdh 

takkdn 

— 

dakkd' 

tanndk 

— 

anndm 

Bkl. 

lubun 

tukun 

dahug 

dokdt 

tiinok 

komkdm 

anum 

Bis. 

lubiin 

tukun 

duhiig 

dukiit 

tuntik 

kumkiim 

unum 

Bgb. 

lubbun 

— 

'  — 

ddkkot 

— 

komkom 

anndm 

Sulu 

luban 

— 

duhuk 

— 

tunok 

kumkum 

unom 

This  class,  like  the  a/7-class  (table  I),  is  remarkably  uniform  in  its  pepet 
vocalism.  This  is  evidently  due  to  the  fact  that  the  development  of  the  pepet 
vowel  is  here  undisturbed  by  the  attractive  influence  of  a  neighboring  dis- 
similar vowel. 


934 


Carlos  Everett  Conant, 


Aside  from  the  exceptional  a  in  the  ultima  of  Bgb.  anndm  and  Sulu 
luban,  for  which  no  explanation  can  here  be  offered,  and  the  peculiar  vocalism 
of  the  first  syllable  of  Phil,  enim  to  be  treated  below,  the  Bkl.  shows  the 
only  peculiarity  requiring  special  comment.  It  will  be  noted  that  in  this  class 
Bkl.  has  a  for  penultimate  pepet  only  two  of  the  seven  examples  listed,  the 
other  five  showing  u.  The  following  additional  list  of  words  in  the  /7/7-class 
shows  nearly  the  same  proportion  of  Bkl.  examples  having  a  in  the  penult: 


Phil. 

Bkl. 

Tag. 

Other 

languages 

begkes 

bugkiis 

bigkis 

Bis.  bugkus 

Mai.  berkas 

betek 

butdk 

bitik 

Pang,  betek 

Ilk.  bettek 

deles 

dolds 

dills 

Pang,  deles 

Ibg.  dallo1 

getel 

giitul 

gitil 

Pang,  getel 

Pamp.  agtdl 

neknek 

nokndk 

niknik 

petes 

put  us 

pitis 

Bis.  putus 

Pamp.  aptds 

seged 

sogdd 

sigtd 

Tir.  seged 

Pamp.  asydd 

tegeb 

tagob 

tigib 

Mgd.  tegeb 

Pamp.  atydb 

terek 

tdrok 

tldik 

Ilk.  teddek 

Pamp.  atddk 

teres 

tados 

tiris 

Pang,  seret 

Pamp.  at  das 

Ibg.  dallo'  has  an  original  final  t  for  Phil.  5  regularly  as  in  tabbu'  (Phil. 
tSbus),  and  Pang,  seret  has  metathesis  of  initial  and  final  consonants. 

Penultimate  a  and  u  interchange  in  the  Bkl.  variants  lamid,  laniid  to  sink 
in  water  (cf.  the  cognates  Pang,  lened,  Ilk.  lenned,  Bis.,  Sulu  laniid).  Thus  we 
see  that  while  the  penultimate  pepet  vowel  in  Bkl.  here,  as  in  other  classes, 
wavers  between  a  and  u,  the  latter  predominates  to  such  an  extent  that  it  may, 
for  our  purpose  be  considered  the  rule,  and  a  the  exception.  If  we  contrast  with 
this  case  that  of  the  pu-dass  (table  VI),  where  Bkl.  regularly  shows  a  in  spite  of 
an  original  a  of  the  following  syllable,  we  are  forced  to  the  conclusion  that 
vocalic  assimilation  cannot  explain  the  phenomena  before  us.  In  fact,  the  only 
certain  case  of  vocalic  assimilation  in  che  Bkl.  material  studied  is  that  of  bill 
in  the  /?/-class,  beside  the  unassimilated  pepet  vowel  of  sapi  and  banhi. 

Now  a  review  of  all  the  Bkl.  material  we  have  collected  shows  that  pepet 
invariably  becomes  a  (0)  in  a  final  syllable,  and,  as  a  rule,  becomes  a  in  the 
penult  of  all  classes  except  the  /7/7-class,  where  it  regularly  becomes  u.  Of 
the  two  pepet  vowels  we  have  seen  that  u  is  the  more  stable,  and  hence,  if 
there  are  two  pepets  in  the  same  word,  naturally  evolving  like  sounds,  as  is 
seen  in  all  the  other  languages  of  the  /7/7-class,  the  two  vowels  will  naturally 
be  u  rather  than  a.  The  exceptions  like  daniig  are  explained  as  due  to  analogy, 
the  a-u  succession  following  that  of  the  /?#-class  and  the  large  number  of 
other  Bkl.  words  of  the  same  vocalism. 

A  pepet  vowel  in  initial  position  develops  peculiarly  in  certain  languages. 
This  vowel  most  commonly  appears  as  a  weak,  colorless  a.  Its  most  con- 
spicuous examples  are  the  IN  numerals  enem  six  and  epat  four,  to  which  may 
be  added  Phil.  (S)ripSn  (table  III). 

The  same  a  appears  in  the  reduplicated  syllable  of  Phil,  tetieiln  three, 
which  has  become  stereotyped  in  some  languages  while  others  show  the 
simple  IN  form  tilu1. 

1  Cf.  Blake,  "Contributions  to  Philippine  Grammar"  in  J.  of  the  Am.  Or.  Soc.,  vol.  28,  p.  204. 


The  Pepet  Law  in  Philippine  Languages.  935 


Phil. 

Tag. 

Pang. 

Ilk. 

Mgd. 

Hlg. 

Bgb. 

Kuy. 

Inb. 

epat 

apdt 

apdt 

uppdt 

apat 

apdt 

appdt 

apdt 

dppat 

'enem 

anim 

anem 

inn  em 

anem 

aniim 

anndm 

ane'm 

annim 

(e)  ripen 

alipin 

aripen 

adipen 

uripen 

ulipon 

-—  ' 

— 

— 

tet(e)lu 

tat  16 

(talo) 

(talld) 

(tela) 

tatld 

tatld 

tatld 

(tdddu, 

The  parenthesized  talo  and  telu  are  from  the  unreduplicated  prototype 
tela.  Ilk.  talld  and  Inb.  tdddu,  as  well  as  Ibg.,  Gad.,  Itw.,  Yog.  tallu,  may 
phonetically  represent  either  the  simple  or  the  reduplicated  form.  If  they  are 
from  the  simple  tela,  the  double  consonant  is  the  result  of  gemination  (see 
above,  p.  922),  but  if  from  the  reduplicated  tet(e)lu,  it  is  the  result  of  regressive 
assimilation  following  syncopation  of  the  intervening  weak  <?.  It  is  probable, 
however,  that  the  Ibg.  talld  and  Ilk.  talld  are,  notwithstanding  their  similarity 
of  appearance,  from  different  prototypes,  the  former  being  from  Phil.  tet(e)lu 
and  the  latter  from  Phil.  tela.  The  unassimilated  t  of  Ilk.  itldg  egg  stands  as 
evidence  against  the  reduplicated  prototype  for  Ilk.  and  the  same  may  be  said 
of  the  Inb.  tdddu  in  view  of  Inb.  exduk1  egg,  where  assimilation  does  not 
take  place.  In  Ibg.,  on  the  other  hand,  Phil,  itlug  appears  as  Mug.  With  this 
evidence  alone,  Ibg.  tallu  could  be  referred  to  tetfejla  as  well  as  to  telu,  and 
the  former  prototype  is  suggested  as  the  more  probable  by  the  Bat.  tatdd2 
(Phil,  tetfejla). 

Ilk.  talld,  appdt,  innem  show  an  exceptional  variety  of  pepet  represen- 
tation which  is  difficult  to  account  for.  It  is  possible  that  the  quality  of  the 
following  consonant  has  here  affected  thaf  of  the  weak  vowel  in  question. 
Hlg.  has,  beside  the  forms  here  given,  told,  updt,  unum,  like  the  other  Bis. 
dialects  (except  Kuy.). 

The  a  vocalism  of  the  original  unaccented  pepet  which  appears  consi- 
stently in  tetfejlu,  epat  and  enem,  in  several  languages  and  dialects  instead 
of  the  regular  pepet  vowel  peculiar  to  those  languages  is  doubtless  due  pri- 
marily to  the  influence  of  the  original  a  in  the  last  syllable  of  all  but  one 
of  the  first  five  IN  cardinals,  esa,  dua,  tela,  epat,  lima.  Thus  the  original 
final  a  of  dua  would  tend  to  give  an  a  coloring,  especially  in  counting,  to 
the  weak  unaccented  pepet  of  the  following  telu,  and  this  influence  would 
have  a  still  greater  effect  upon  the  more  isolated  pepet  of  the  reduplicated 

1  Ortography  of  Scheerer,  "The  Nabaloi  Dialect",  Manila  1905,  p.  103;  x  represents  the 
sound  of  ch  in  the  Scotch  word  loch. 

2  Tatdu  is  doubless  the  correct  form.  It  is  taken  from  a  word  list  given  to  me  orally  by 
a  Batan  servant  boy  at  Aparri  (north  coast  of  Luzon)  in  October  1904.  This  boy  had  recently 
arrived  from  his  native  island,  Batan,  and  I  hence  consider  his  word  list  moje  reliable  than 
that  which  I  took  one  year  later  af  Claveria  (North  Luzon)  from  a  native  of  Batan  who  had 
many  years  before  migrated  with  his  family  to  Luzon.  The  latter  gave  tdddu,  which,  if  correct, 
shows  assimilation  of  t  to  the  following  d,  since  Bat.  does  not  double  a  single  consonant.  He 
similarly  gave  the  word  for  goat  as  kaddin,  which  the  servant  boy  had  pronounced  kanclin, 
Furthermore,  tatdo  is  the  form  found  both  in  the  Batan  Catecismo  of  Padre  Rodriguez  (reprinted 
by  Retana  in  his  "Archivo  del  Bibliofilo  Filipino",  vol.  2,  Madrid  1896),  p.  13,  et  passim,  and 
in  the  Batan  "devocionario"  entitled  "Nu  Napia  Amigo",  Manila  1901,  p.  62,  et  passim.  I  would 
therefore  discard  both  tdddu  and  the  by-form  tatlo  given  by  Scheerer,  "The  Batan  Dialect  as 
a  Member  of  the  Philippine  Group  of  Languages",  Manila  1908,  Plate  I. 


936  Carlos  Everett  Conant, 

form  t$t(g)lu.  The  initial  a  of  apdt  would  in  turn  be  due,  either  to  the  assi- 
milative influence  of  the  original  a  of  the  final  syllable,  or  to  analogy  with 
the  already  established  a  of  the  first  syllable  of  its  predecessor,  tatlii,  or  more 
probably,  to  both  these  influences  combined.  Finally,  the  a  of  lima  exerts 
its  influence  upon  the  initial  unaccented  pepet  of  its  successor  enem,  and  the 
a  thus  resulting  is  now  amply  fortified  by  the  analogy  of  the  penultimate  a 
of  tatlii  and  apdt.  The  a's  thus  arising  then  become  still  more  firmly  esta- 
blished by  mutual  support  under  the  natural  operation  of  the  laws  of  analogy. 

A  striking  example  of  analogy  is  furnished  by  the  Pamp.  numerals  adwd 
and  apuld,  which  have  prefixed  an  a  owing  to  the  initial  a  of  atlu,  apdt, 
andm.  For  the  i  of  isd  one  in  non-i  languages  there  seems  to  be  no  satis- 
factory explanation,  unless  we  posit  the  variants  esa,  isa.  Tag.  and  Bon.  isd 
could  be  referred  to  either  of  these  variants,  but  the  following  forms  must 
go  back  to  Ssa:  Knk.  esa,  Kal.  eta,  Bat.  asd1,  Bis.,  Isn.  usd.  Tgb.  and  Hlg. 
have  both  usa  and  isa.  Other  examples  of  the  isa  type  are  Bkl.2,  Pang., 
Pamp.,  Sulu,  Mgd.,  Tgk.  isd,  Ilk.,  Ting,  maisa  (for  ma  +  isa),  Itw.  isa,  Ibg., 
Gad.  itte  (t  regularly  for  Phil,  s  and  e  as  in  Ibg.  due  two  beside  dua),  Kuy. 
isard  (lit.  "one  only").  The  proclitic  form  sa  seen  in  Bkl.  sard,  Inb.  saxei, 
Ibg.  tdddai,  Bgb.  sabbad,  Mnb.  sabad,  Tir.  seba'an  one,  Tag.  sanpwwo,  Bkl. 
sampdlo,  Mgd.,  Bgb.  sapulu,  Gad.  tdfulu  (with  secondary  Gad.  accent  and 
regular  t  for  s),  Pang,  samplo  ten  (lit.  "one  ten"),  and  Mai.,  Jav.,  Sund.  sa 
one  and  sapuloh  ten  may  be  explained  either  as  a  third  variant  beside  8sa, 
isa,  or  as  esa  with  loss  of  the  initial  pepet  when  the  word  becomes  proclitic. 
Cam  sa  may  represent  either  sa  or  esa,  it  being  a  peculiarity  of  that  language 
to  suppress  a  penultimate  pepet  vowel,  e.  g.,  Cam  brah  (IN  biras)  rice,  kldu 
(IN  telii)  three,  pak  (IN  epat),  nam  (IN  enem).  An  IN  u  is  thus  suppressed 
in  Gam  sa  pluh  (IN  pulu)  ten. 

It  is  evident  from  the  above  examination  of  the  pepet  vocalism  of  the 
numerals,  that  in  several  languages  they  form  a  distinct  category  subject  to 
a  special  secondary  influence,  namely,  the  combined  operation  of  assimilation 
and  analogy,  and  hence  may  be  set  aside  as  not  belonging  to  the  general 
phenomena  of  the  pepet  law.  Excluding,  then,  this  peculiar  vocalism  of  un- 
accented pepet  in  the  numerals  and  in  the  first  syllable  of  the  exceptional 
(e)ripen,  we  may  now  proceed  to  a  more  concise  statement  of  the  evolution 
of  the  indifferent  vowel  in  each  of  the  eleven  languages  above  tabulated. 

Tagalog:  Pepet  regularly  becomes  i;  but  when  the  vowel  of  an  adjacent 
syllable  of  the  same  root  word  is  an  original  u  (o),  pepet  is  assimilated  to 
this  vowel,  becoming  a  (o),  but  not  to  a  preceding  u  (o)  if  more  than  a  single 
consonant  intervenes,  e.  g.  pusud  (Phil,  pusid),  puno  (Phil,  pinu),  but  butlig 
(Phil,  butlig). 


1  Blake,  op.  cit.,  p.  203,  explains  the  initial  a  of  asd  as  prefix.  I  quote  his  explanation 
without  comment:  "Batan  asa  is  probably  the  root  particle  sa  which  is  found  in  the  majority 
of  the  forms  of  one,  with  a  prefix  a  probably  identical  with  the  a  of  Tagalog  ang,  just  as  the 
i  of  iisa  is  identical  with  the  /  of  Pampangan  ing", 

3  Bkl.  isd  is  the  form  used  in  counting,  cf.  Marcos  DE  Lisboa,  "Vocabulario  de  la  Lengua 
Bicol",  Manila  1865,  s.  v.  isd. 


The  Pepet  Law  in  Philippine  Languages.  937 

Pangasinan:  Pepet  regularly  becomes  e,  exceptionally  /  or  a.  It  appears 
as  /  by  assimilation  to  an  original  i  of  the  following  syllable  in  the  same 
root  word  (bill:  Phil,  bell),  and  as  a  by  partial  assimilation  to  an  original 
u  (o)  of  the  following  syllable  (pdnu:  Phil.  penu). 

Iloko:  Pepet  regularly  becomes  e,  exceptionally  a,  i  or  u.  It  appears 
as  a  by  assimilation  to  an  original  a  of  the  following  syllable  in  the  same 
word  when  only  a  single  consonant  intervenes  (bagds:  Phil,  begas),  and  as  e 
or  u  by  assimilation  to  an  original  i  or  u,  respectively,  of  the  following  syl- 
lable of  the  same  word  (bin'i:  Phil,  bent,  punno:  Phil.  penu). 

Magindanau:  Pepet  appears  regularly  as  e,  exceptionally  as  i.  It  be- 
comes /  by  attraction  to  an  original  i  in  the  following  syllable  of  the  same 
root  word  (sipit:  IN  sepit). 

Tirurai:  Pepet  becomes  uniformly  e,  except  in  sifit:  IN  sepit,  where 
it  becomes  i  Ibg.  assimilation  to  the  i  of  the  following  syllable. 

Pampanga:  Pepet  regularly  becomes  a,  exceptionally  /  by  assimilation 
to  an  original  i  of  the  following  syllable  in  the  same  root  word  when  only 
a  single  consonant  intervenes  (bini:  Phil,  beni,  but  abli:  Phil.  belt). 

Ibanag:  Pepet  regularly  becomes  a,  exceptionally  i  by  assimilation  to 
an  original  i  of  the  following  syllable  in  the  same  root  word  when  only  a 
single  consonant  intervenes  (bini:  Phil,  beni,  but  balli:  Phil.  belt). 

Bikol:  Pepet  regularly  becomes  u(o)  in  a  final  syllable  and  a  in  the 
penult;  but  if  the  original  vowel  of  both  syllables  is  pepet,  it  becomes  u(o) 
in  both.  Before  an  original  i  of  the  following  syllable  in  the  same  root  word, 
it  is  sometimes  assimilated,  becoming  i  (bill:  Phil,  beli),  and  sometimes  be- 
comes the  regular  penultimate  a  (sapi:  Phil.  sepi). 

Bisaya:  Pepet  regularly  becomes  u(o),  exceptionally  I  by  assimilation 
to  an  original  i  of  the  following  syllable  in  the  same  root  word  (bill:  Phil.  beli). 

Bagobo:  Pepet  becomes  u(o)  eycept  when  followed  by  an  original  i 
in  the  next  syllable  of  the  same  root  word,  when  it  either  it  assimilated,  be- 
coming i  (binni:  Phil,  beni),  or  becomes  a  (balli:  Phil.  beli). 

Sulu:  Pepet  regularly  becomes  a(o),  exceptionally  i  by  assimilation  to 
an  original  i  of  the  following  syllable  of  the  same  root  word  (bi  <  bii  <  bill 
<  Phil.  beli). 

Other  languages  and  dialects.  We  now  continue  our  study  by 
examining  the  pepet  vocalism  of  the  following  languages  and  dialects,  one 
of  which,  Chamorro,  tho  not  within  Philippine  territory,  is  conveniently  classi- 
fied here: 

1.  Ata  (near  Mt.  Apo,  S.  Mindanao)1. 

2.  Banawi  (mountains  of  N.  Luzon). 

3.  Batan  (Batan  Islands,  to  N.  of  Luzon). 

4.  Bilan  (mountains  of  S.  Mindanao,  S.  of  Ata  territory). 

5.  Bontok  (Igorots  of  Lepanto-Bontok  province,  N.  Luzon). 


'  For  more  detailed  geographical  information  cf.  Scheerer's  sketch  map  in  his  work, 
"The  Batan  Dialect  &c",  p.  17,  and,  for  the  Luzon  territory,  Worcester's  authoritative  work, 
"The  Non-Christian  Tribes  of  Northern  Luzon",  in  the  Philippine  Journal  of  Science,  vol  I, 
No.  8,  Manila  1906. 


938  Carlos  Everett  Conant, 

6.  Chamorro  (Marianne  Islands). 

7.  Gaddang  (Ibanag  dialect,  N.  Luzon). 

8.  Inibaloi  (Igorots,  Benguet  province,  N.  Luzon). 

9.  Isinai  (mountains  of  Nueva  Vizcaya  province,  N.  Luzon). 

10.  Itawi  (Ibanag  dialect,  N.  Luzon). 

11.  Kalamian  (N.  Palawan). 

12.  Kankanai  (Igorots  of  N.  Benguet,  N.  Luzon). 

13.  Kuyunon  (Bisaya  dialect,  Cuyo  Islands,  between  Panay  and  Palawan). 

14.  Lepanto  (mountains  of  N.  Luzon). 

15.  Manobo  (mountains  E.  of  Gulf  of  Davao,  S.  Mindanao). 

16.  Samal  (Samal  I.  Gulf  of  Davao,  S.  Mindanao). 

17.  Sambal  (Zambales  province,  W.  Luzon). 

18.  Tagakaolo  (Apo  range,  W.  of  Gulf  of  Davao,  S.  Mindanao). 

19.  Tagbanwa  (Palawan  I.). 

20.  Tingyan  (mountains  of  N.  Luzon). 

21.  Yogad  (Ibanag  dialect  of  N.  Luzon). 

^-languages. 

Lepanto:  Pepet  becomes  e:  zelok  (Tag.  etc.  itlug,  Mai.  telof)  egg, 
oeg  (uleg1)  snake,  tined  (tehed)  back  of  neck.  The  last  example  shows  i  in 
the  penult.  For  loss  of  /  in  oeg,  cf.  Lep.  uat  (ugat)  vein,  where  the  consonant 
of  the  RGH  series,  appearing  secondarily  as  /,  is  lost  in  intervocalic  position, 
and  buan  (bulan)  moon,  where  the  /  is  original ;  but  is  seems  not  to  be  lost 
before  o(u),  zelok,  olo  (ula)  head  (cf.  above,  p.  924).  The  discrepancy  between 
the  final  consonant  sounds  of  zelok  and  oeg  is  more  apparent  than  real,  since 
final  stops  are  generally  not  exploded  in  Philippine  languages,  and  it  is  pro- 
bable that  to  the  German  ear  of  Schadenberg,  from  whose  list  the  above 
examples  are  taken,  the  same  consonant  appeared,  now  as  k,  now  as  g. 

Kankanai:  Pepet  becomes  regularly  e,  exceptionally  u(o):  esd  (esa) 
one,  epdt  (Spat)  four,  enem  (enem)  six,  eweg  (uleg)  snake,  told  (tela)  three, 
bii'ok  (buek)  hair,  the  o  of  the  last  two  examples  being  the  result  of  assimi- 
lation to  a  neighboring  original  u(o).  In  this  last  respect,  Knk.  is  sharply 
differentiated  from  the  neighboring  dialect  Inb.,  which  has  bu'ek.  The  first  e 
of  eweg,  on  the  other  hand  seems  to  be  case  of  assimilation  of  an  original  u 
to  an  accented  pepet  vowel. 

Inibaloi:  Pepet  regularly  becomes  £,  exceptionally  i  and  a:  atep  (atgp) 
roof,  acdlem  (Ilk.  addlem,  Tag.  lalitri)  deep,  acaxel  (daktt)  much,  bekds  (begas) 
rice,  utek  (utek)  brain,  piiseg  (pused)  navel,  bu'ek  (bu£k)  hair,  illeg  (ulgg) 
snake;  atiit  (etut)  pedere  tdddo  (telu)  three,  dppat  (epat)  four,  annim  (enim) 
six,  macim  (marem)  afternoon.  Where  a  occurs  it  is  in  the  penult,  and  the 
two  examples  of  i  are  in  an  accented  final  syllable  ending  in  m.  The  c  (=di 
in  church)  of  acdlem,  acaxel,  and  macim  is  the  regular  representative  in  Inb. 
of  the  RLD  consonant,  and  x  (=  ch  in  Scotch  loch)  is  for  intervocalic  k,  cf.  also 
Inb.  koxo  (kuku)  finger  nail. 

Kuyunon:  Pepet  regularly  becomes  e,  exceptionally  a  and  u:  iddlem 
(iralem,  Bis.  idlum)  below,  rdet  (Bis.  da'ut,  Tag.  la'it)  bad,  lieg  (Bis.  li'ug, 
Tag.  Wig)  neck,  ibeg  (ibeg)  desire,  love,  ipen  hipen  tooth  (with  loss  of  initial 


When  not  otherwise  indicated,  the  parenthesized  form  is  to  be  understood  as  Phil. 


The  Pepet  Law  in  Philippine  Languages.  939 

n  as  in  Pamp.  ipan  and  Sulu  ipun,  table  III);  anem  (enem);  tatlo  (tetfejlu), 
apdt  epat;  puno  (penu)  full,  tubus  (tebus)  redeem,  book  (buek).  The  numerals 
show  the  penultimate  a  (cf.  pp.  935  and  ff.),  and  the  u  (o)  of  the  last  three 
examples  is  the  result  of  a-assimilation  as  in  Tag. 

Kalamian:  Pepet  regularly  becomes  e,  exceptionally  u  (o):  eta  (esa), 
epat  (epat),  enem  (enem),  kentii  (Bat.  anal,  Chro.  -unai,  OJav.  heni)  sand, 
kiripen1  (eripenj  slave,  bitonken  (bituen)  star,  kuled  (uled)  worm;  tolo  (telu), 
dakolo  (Chro.  ddnkulo,  cf.  above,  p.  926)  great,  tood  (tued)  knee.  The  first  o 
of  tolo  and  dakolo  is  the  result  of  assimilation  to  the  o  of  the  following 
syllable,  and  the  second  o  of  tood  shows  assimilation  to  an  original  u  (o) 
immediately  preceding,  as  contrasted  with  bitonken  and  kuled,  where  pro- 
gressive assimilation  is  prevented  by  intervening  consonants.  Kim.  eta  has  t 
for  Phil,  s  like  the  Ibg.  dialects,  e.  g.  Kim.  katawa,  Ibg.  atawa  (asawa) 
spouse,  Kim.  toto,  Ibg.  tutu  (susu)  uber.  One  of  the  chief  characteristics  of 
Kim.  is  a  parasitic  k,  which  is  seen  most  commonly  prefixed  to  an  initial 
vowel,  as  in  katawa,  keuai,  kiripen,  kuled,  sometimes  in  the  interior  of  a 
word,  as  in  bitonken  and  takon  (Tag.,  Pang,  taon,  Mai.  tahun)  year,  and 
sometimes  finally,  as  in  lotok  (Bis.  hito,  Tag.  Iulo)  to  cook2,  polok  (IN pulu)  ten. 

Languages  showing  both  e  and  a. 
Batan:  Pepet  regularly  becomes  e  in  a  final  root  syllable,  and  a  in  a 
penultimate  syllable:  hipen  (hipen)  tooth,  ipwes  (ipes)  roach,  puseg  (pused) 
navel,  uhed  (uled)  worm,  rahet  (daet,  seeunder  Kuy)  bad,  bituhen  {bituen) 
star,  anem  (enem)  six,  labeh  (lebeh)  to  bury,  adheyen  (deheg-en)  hear  (imv.), 
asd  (esa)  one,  tatdu  (tetlu)  three,  dpat  (epat)  four,  atiit  (etut)  pedere;  it 
becomes  u  by  progressive  assimilation  in  tiiud  (tued)  knee,  and  buuk  (buek) 
hair,  where  no  consonant  intervenes,  contrast  puseg  bituhen.  Bat.  has  both 
dadake  and  rakuh  meaning  great,  the  former  being  Phil,  dake  (Bis.  daku, 
Tag.  malaki)  with  reduplication,  and  the  latter  the  extended  form  dakel  (see 
above  table  I).  For  the  exceptional  u  instead  of  e  in  rakuh  there  is  no  satis- 
factory explanation.  In  sehseh3  (Tag.  silsil,,  Ilk.  Pang,  selsel,  Pamp.  salsdl, 
Ibg.  tattdl  (Bis.,  Bkl.  sulsiil),  both  syllables  show  e  for  pepet  contrary  to  the 
rule  for  penultimate  a.  We  have  here  the  reduplication  of  a  monosyllabic 
root  as  in  the  case  of  Phil,  kemkem  (table  VII,  p.  933),  a  type  that  is  very 
common  in  all  Philippine  languages,  and  in  such  forms  pepet  seems  always 

1  Written  quiripuen  in  Padre  Jeronimo's  Vocabulario,  the  u  being  written  after  the  labial 
p  to  indicate  the  obscure  sound  of  e,  cf.  Padre  Cosgaya's  Spanish  orthography  of  the  Pang, 
cognate  aripuen  (pronounced  aripen,  with  e  as  in  Ger.  sageri). 

2  Padre  Jeronimo's  coser  (p.  17  of  the  "Vocabulario  Castellano-Calamiano")  is  evidently 
erroneously  written  for  cocer.  This  is  indicated,  not  only  by  the  phonetic  correspondence  of  the 
Phil,  words,  but  by  the  meaning  of  the  words  in  the  list  immediately  preceding  and  following 
coser,  the  order  being  comido,  crudo,  coser,  serveza  for  ceivezd),  vino  &c,  where  serveza 
shows  the  same  error. 

3  From  the  form  written  ipanejsej  repent  (imperative)  in  "Nu  Nap:a  Amigo,  p.  421,  et 
passim.  The  Phil,  root  selsel,  which  develops  different  shades  of  meaning  in  different  languages, 
based  on  the  general  idea  "to  crush,  blunt,  rivet",  has  often  in  the  reflexive  and  passive  the 
derived  meaning  "be  sorry,  repent". 


940  Carlos  Everett  Conant, 

to  develop  the  same  vowel  in  the  two  syllables,  as  tho  they  were  treated  as 
separate  words. 

The  h  of  sehseh,  like  that  of  iihed  and  rakuh  is  the  regular  represen- 
tation of  Phil.  /  in  Bat.,  cf.  also  Bat.  uho  (ulu)  head,  hahyit  (laii.it)  sky,  rahan 
(dalan)  way.  It  is  strongly  aspirated,  approaching  the  spirant  sound  of  g  in 
Ger.  "Ziege",  and  hence  is  represented  in  the  Span,  orthography  of  Nu  Mapia 
Amigo  by  /.  When  taking  the  word  lists  from  natives  of  Batan  Island  I  obser- 
ved the  close  similarity  of  this  sound  to  that  Inb.  x  (see  above,  p.  938).  The 
h  of  bituhen  and  rahet  is  parasitic,  as  often  in  the  ^-languages,  Tag.,  Bis., 
Bkl.,  Sulu  (cf.  the  medial  parasitic  k  of  Kalamian,  p.  939),  where  it  bridges 
the  hiatus  between  two  vowels,  i.  e.,  replaces  intervocalic  hamza. 

The  retention  of  Phil.  /  in  Bat.  labeh  is  an  exception  for  which  I  have 
found  no  parallel.  Bat.  adheyen  (deheg-en)  shows  metathesis  of  the  first  syl- 
lable and  y  for  Phil,  g  (RGH)  as  regularly  (see  above,  p.  924). 

Togad.  Gaddang  and  Itawi:  These  are  dialects  of  Ibg.  and,  like  that 
language,  regularly  represent  pepet  by  a,  which,  however,  is  sometimes  modi- 
fied, becoming  obscure  e  of  the  ^-languages:  Gad.,  Yog.,  Itw.  baggd  (begas) 
rics,  tdllti  (tetlu)  three,  appdt  (epat)  four,  Gad.  filtad  (pused)  navel,  Gad., 
Yog.  utak  (utek)  brain,  Gad.  pannu  (penu)  full,  Gad.  attii,  Itw.  dttu  (etutj 
pedere,  Gad.,  Yog.,  Itw.  annem  (enem)  six,  Gad.  hipen,  Yog.  hipen,  Itw.  hipan 
(hipen)  tooth.  This  e  may  be  considered  as  a  secondary  modification  of  a 
since  original  full  vowels  are  often  thus  obscured  in  these  dialects,  e.  g.  Gad. 
maple  (Ilk.  mappyd)  good,  Gad.  kdmet  (Tag.,  Bis.  kamot)  hand,  Itw.  memmemd 
(ma-mama,  IN  mama)  to  chew,  but  Gad.  mdmmama. 

Like  Ibg.,  these  dialects  are  characterized  by  consonantal  gemination 
(baggdt,  appdt),  total  regressive  assimilation  of  consonants  (tdllu,  see  discussion 
of  Tag.  tallu,  pp.  935  ff.),  /  for  Phil,  p  before  u  (Gad.  fiitag,  Itw.  fiitad,  Yog. 
td-fulu,  Phil,  pulu,  but  Gad.,  Yog.,  Itw.  appdt,  pitii  seven,  and  t  for  Phil,  s 
except  before  i  (Gad.,  Yog.,  Itw.  baggdt,  Gad.  futag,  Itw.  futad,  Yog.  tagatut 
[sagatus]  one  hundred,  but  Ibg.  siku,  Gad.  siku,  Phil,  siku  elbow);  but  they 
differ  from  Ibg.  in  retaining  unchanged  the  final  surd  stops,  k,  t,  and  p  (baggdt, 
utak)  and   the   pepet  a  preceding   such  final  surd  stop  (utak,   but  leg.  utok. 

U-\  angtiagcs. 

Tingyan:  Pepet  regularly  becomes  u  (o),  exceptionally  a,  e  or  /:  ddkon 
(dake-n)  great,  bogds  (begas)  rice,  tiilu  (telu)  three,  updt  (epat)  four,  book 
(buek)  hair;  andm  (enem)  six;  beken  (Day.,  Tir.,  Mgd.  beken,  Har.,  Sulu  bukiui) 
not  so;  nebin  (hipen)  tooth,  maisa,  for  ma  +  isa  (esa  or  isa)  one.  The  material 
is  not  sufficient  for  an  analysis  of  the  exceptional  vocalism,  a,  e  and  i.  The 
n  of  ddkon  is  doubtless  a  connective  (the  ligazon  of  the  Spanish  grammarians) 
like  the  n  of  Bis.  dakiih  balai  large  house. 

Isinai:  Pepet  becomes  uniformly  u  (o):  osa  or  ossa  (esa)  one,  opat 
(epat)  four,  onom  (Snem)  six,  lubu  (leben)  bury,  dnon  (kan-£n,  Tag.  kdn'iti, 
Bis.  kdn'on)  food. 

The  change  of  IN  k  to  hamza  seen  in  anon  is  a  peculiarity  of  Isn.  and 
may  occur  in  any  position,  initial,   medial,   or  final,  e.  g.  a  (ka)  you  (sing.) 


The  Pepet  Law  in  Philippine  Languages.  941 

in  Christiano  a?1  Are  you  a  Christian?  a(ak)  I  in  the  answer  to  the  above 
question,  O  Ama,  christiano  a  Yes,  Father,  I  am  a  Christian,  ana'  (anak)  off- 
spring, le'ai  (laki)  male.  The  loss  of  n  in  lubu  has,  so  far  as  I  know,  no 
parallel  in  Isn. 

Tagbanwa:  Pepet  regularly  becomes  u  (o),  exceptionally  i  or  a:  bugas 
(begas)  rice,  itom  {item)  black,  usa  (esa)  beside  isa  (isa)  one  (see  above, 
p.  936),  tulo  (tela)  three,  unon  (enem)  six,  bo'ok  (buek)  hair,  madlom  (OJav. 
malem,  Mai.  ma  lam,  Gam  mo'lam,  Ilk.  malem,  Chro.  macum)  night,  ka'un 
(Bis.  kd'on,  Tag.  kd'in)  eat;  nipin  (nipen)  tooth;  bituan  (bituen)  star.  Tgb. 
nipin  has  initial  /z  for  IN  zz. 

With  the  final  n  in  zz/zo/z  for  IN  /zz,  compare  Tgb.  /m<?  (lima)  five,  but 
the  m  is  retained  unchanged  in  itom  and  madlom. 

Chamorro:  Pepet  becomes  u  (o),  exceptionally  e:  dtof  (atep)  roof, 
tdnum  (tanem)  plant,  pugas  (begas)  rice,  lotsa  (Tag.  lisd,  Bis.  taz)  nit,  ta/o 
(tela)  three,  gunurn  (enem)  six,  huhug  (deneg)  hear;  /?//<£#  (nipen)  tooth. 

The  £  of  «//«?«  is  due  to  the  /  of  the  preceding  syllable2. 

The  consonantal  peculiarities  of  Chro.  illustrated  by  the  above  examples 
are  the  following:  IN  p  becomes  /  (dtof,  nijen);  IN  b  becomes  p  (pugas,  cf. 
piilan,  IN  bulan  moon);  the  consonant  of  the  RLD  series  becomes  h  initially 
(hiinug,  cf.  hdnum,  Phil,  danum  water);  a  parasitic  g  is  developed  (gunum, 
cf.  ginem,  IN  inum  drink)  and  IN  initial  n  is  simplified  to  n  (ntfen,  cf.  naan, 
Phil,  nalan  name). 

Unclassified  languages. 

Banawi:  Pepet  becomes  i  in  olig  (uleg)  snake. 

Bon  to  k:  In  this  dialect,  the  development  of  the  pepet  vowel,  like  that 
of  other  sounds,  notably  original  b3,  seems  to  be  of  a  variable  and  uncertain 
character.  It  appears  as  i  in  isa  (esa  or  isa),  ipdt  (epat)  four,  inim  (enem)  six, 
piisig  (pused)  navel;  asa  light  e  in  the  last  syllable  of  utek  (utek)  brain,  and 
cuh-nen  (den(e)g-en)  hear;  as  the  sound  of  u  in  Eng.  but*  in  the  first  syllable 
of  the  last  example,  and  in  owug  (uleg)  snake ;  and  as  o  in  fook  (buek)  hair 
and  told  (telu)  three.  In  Bon.  cukcdki  great  is  seen  the  Phil,  dake  (table  I) 
with  reduplication  of  all  except  the  pepet  vowel,  the  original  a  being 
obscured  to  u. 

With  Bon.  c  for  Phil,  d  (RLD)  in  cuh-n&n  and  cukcuki,  compare  ciiwa 
(dua)  two.  The  w  of  owug  is  a  labial  glide  after  loss  of  intervocalic  /  (see 
above,  p.  924).  With  the  /  of  fook,  compare  Bon.  lifo  (ribu)  thousand. 

In  view  of  the  vocalism  of  the  numerals  and  pusig  and  cukcdki,  it  is 
probable  that  Bon.  should  be  classified  among  the  /-languages,  the  other 
vowels  being  explained  as  cases  of  vocalic  assimilation,  total  (fook,  told)  or 
partial  (utek,  owdg). 

1  This  question  and  the  following  answer  are  copied  literally  from  Padre  Alarcon's 
"Catecismo",  p.  32.  22,  where  d  is  written  for  'a,  and  d  for  a'. 

2  Cf.  my  paper  "Consonant  Changes  and  Vowel  Harmony  in  Chamorro",  "Anthropos", 
vol.  VI  (1911),  pp.  136—146. 

3  Cf.  Jenks,  "The  Bontoc  Igorot",  Manila  1905,  p.  229,  and  my  paper,  "F  and  V  in 
Philippine  Languages",  Manila  1908,  in  Division  of  Ethnology  Publications,  vol.  V,  part  II,  p.  137. 

4  Cf.  Jenks,  op.  cit.,  p.  228 :  u  =  u  in  but. 


942  Carlos  Everett  Cojnant, 

Sambal1:  Pepet  becomes  i,  e,  a  or  u(o):  alaki  (dake)  large  (Bol.); 
nipen  (nipen)  tooth,  kdnen  (kan-en)  food,  cooked  rice,  dnem  (enem)  six,  dpat 
(epat)  four,  tdro  (Bol.)  tolo  (lba)  three,  buyas  (begas)  rice,  bituun  (bituen)  star. 

Sbl.  nipen  shows  n  for  original  n  as  in  several  other  speech  groups, 
and  y  for  the  consonant  of  the  RGH  series  in  buyas,  as  in  Pamp.  and  Bat. 
(see  above  p.  925). 

Ata:  This  is  probably  an  rt-language :  tatlo  (tet(e)lu)  three,  appdt  {epat) 
four,  anndm  (enem)  six.  In  pound  (penu)  full  we  evidently  have  a  case  of 
regressive  assimilation  of  which  this  same  root  has  furnished  so  many  examples 
in  other  languages.  Ata,  like  Bgb.,  is  a  geminating  language,  as  is  apparent 
from  the  examples  here  given. 

Bilan:  This,  like  the  preceding,  is  probably  an  ^-language:  atlo  (tela) 
three,  faai  {epat)  four,  agtiaman  (enem)  six.  Bil.,  like  Tir.  and  Tgk.,  is  an 
/-language.  With  faat  compare  Bil.  fito  (pita)  seven.  Metathesis  is  especially 
frequent  and  varied  in  character  in  this  language.  It  is  seen  in  the  first  syllable 
of  atlo  and  faat,  for  tald  and  a  fat,  and  in  the  last  syllable  of  the  root  in 
gasfaolan  (for  gas-falo-an,  IN  pulu)  ten,  beside  atlo  falo  (ielu  piilu)  thirty. 
The  peculiar  form  aguaman  (agwaman)  may  be  easily  explained  en  the  basis 
of  Phil,  enem  and  comparison  with  the  other  numerals  in  Bil.  To  aman  for 
anam  by  metathesis,  is  prefixed  the  parasitic  gw  from  gwalo  (walu)  eight 
(cf.  Inb.  gwalo,  Chro.  gwdlog),  the  g  analogy  being  assisted  by  the  g  of 
nagfitd  seven,  gasium  nine,  and  gasfaolan  ten,  and  to  this  increment  is  further 
added  the  initial  a  of  the  first  three  Bil.  cardinals  anisu,  aluii,  atlo. 

Manobo:  Pepet  becomes  u  (o)  in  upat  (epat)  four,  ika-unum  (enem) 
six,  and  pond  (p£nu)  full.  Mnb.  ikaltd  three  (properly  third)  is  formed  from 
the  ordinal  prefix  ika  and  Phil,  tela  with  syncopation  of  pepet  and  metathesis 
of  the  consonants  thus  brot  together. 

Tagakaolo:  Pepet  becomes  u  (o)  in  ufat  (epat)  four  and  ka-nuon  (enem) 
six.  The  latter  form,  if  correctly  written,  is  difficult  of  analysis.  Tgk.  is  an 
/-language:  with  ufat  compare  fito  seven  and  folo  ten. 

Samal:   Pepet  becomes  u  (o)  in  too  (telu)  three,  upat  (epat)  four,   and 

ika-unum  (enem)  six.  One  is  isa  in  Sml.  Syncopation  of  /  appears  in  too  and 

wad  (walu)  eight. 

Recapitulation. 

/-languages:  Ta^alog,  probably  Bontok,  and  perhaps  Banawi. 

^-languages:  Iloko,  Inibaloi,  Kankanai,  Kalamian,  Kuyunon,  Lepanto, 
Magindanau,  Pangasinan,  Tirurai,  Batan  (a  in  penult). 

^-languages:  Pampanga,  Ibanag,  and  its  dialects,  Gaddang,  Itawi,  and 
Yogad,  and  probacly  Ata~and  Bilan. 

(7-languages:  Bagobo,  Bisaya,  Chamorro,  Isinai,  Sulu,  Tagbanwa, 
Tingyan,  and  probably  Manobo,  Samal,  and  Tagakaolo.  Bikol  has  u  (o)  in 
the  ultima,  and  a  in  the  penult  except  in  the  /?/?-class  where  it  lias  //. 

1  The  examples  arc  taken  from  the  lists  in  Appendix  B  of  Rrkd's  "Negritos  of  Zambales" 
in  , .Ethnological  Survey  Publications",  vol.  II,  part.  I,  Manila  1901.  The  words  were  selected 
from  the  two  colums  headed  "Zambal  of  Bolinao"  and  "Zambal  of  lba".  Where  the  Bol.  and 
lba  forms  differ,  1  have  so  indicated  in  parenthesis. 


The  Pepet  Law  in  Philippine  Languages.  943 

Doubtful:  Sambal. 

It  is  seen  from  the  above  recapitulation  that  languages  of  the  same 
class  are  often  widely  separated  geographically,  and  conversely,  that  several 
classes  may  have  representatives  with  in  a  comparatively  small  area.  In  fact 
the  different  classes  are  so  universally  commingled  geographically,  that  no 
given  territory  can  be  said  to  favor  any  one  of  the  different  vowels  evolved 
from  original  pepet. 

From  a  review  of  the  classified  phenomena  of  pepet  vocalism  as  a  whole, 
it  is  evident  that  deviations  from  the  normal  development  of  the  indifferent 
vowel  according  to  the  regular  operation  of  the  pepet  law  are  due  almost 
exclusively  to  the  interference  of  the  laws  of  vocalic  assimilation  and  analogy. 

Our  study  has  also  developed  the  fact  that  some  Philippine  languages, 
like  Malay  and  Malagasi,  show  a  double  pepet  vocalism,  one  vowel  regularly 
appearing  in  the  penult  and  another  in  the  ultima  of  the  IN  prototype,  and 
that  the  Philippine  languages,  wherever  they  show  this  double  vocalism,  have 
a  in  the  penult.  This  is  the  case  of  Batan  and  Bikol,  and  doubtless  of  the 
exceptional  a  seen  in  the  penult  of  some  Bagobo  words,  and  sporadically 
elsewhere.  That  this  penultimate  a  is  not  the  result  of  assimilation  or  analogy, 
but  an  undisturbed  and  natural  development  of  the  indifferent  vowel  in  a 
special  position,  has  appeared  from  a  searching  investigation  of  the  Bikol 
material,  and  the  testimony  of  the  Batan. 

We  have  also  found  that  several  languages  have  a  special  penultimate 
a  in  the  Phil,  numerals  telu,  epat  and  enem,  due  to  the  combined  action  of 
assimilation  and  analogy. 

Bibliography. 

1.  Sources  consulted  for  the  Philippine  languages  and  Chamorro. 

Ata. 

Montano  J.  Rapport  a  M.  le  ministre  de  Pinstruction  publique  sur  une  Mission  aux  lies  Philip- 
pines et  en  Malaisie  (1879—1881).  Paris  1885. 

Bagobo. 
GlSBERT  Mateo.  Diccionario  Espanol-Bagobo.  Manila  1892.  (The  dictionary  proper  is  preceded 

by  a  grammatical  sketch  of  the  Bagobo  language,  pp.  IX    XVI.) 
-  Diccionario  Bagobo-Espanol.  Manila  1892.  (Not  printed  with  the  foregoing.) 

Banawi. 

Schadenberg  Alex.  Beitrage  zur  Kenntnis  der  im  Innern  Nordluzons  lebenden  Stamme.  (An 
article  pub.  in  "Verhandlungen  der  Berliner  Gesellschaft  fiir  Anthropologic,  Ethnologie 
und  Urgeschichte",  Nov.  16,  1889,  pp.  649—727.) 

Batan. 

Conant  C.  E.  A  list  of  Batan  words  (MS)  orally  taken  from  two  natives  of  Batan  Island,  one 
of  whom,  a  servant  boy  recently  arrived  from  his  native  island,  gave  his  list  a  Aparri, 
north  coast  of  Luzon,  Oct.  7,  1904,  and  the  other,  an  elderly  settler  in  Claveria,  a  small 
town  on  the  northwest  coast  of  Luzon,  gave  his  list  at  the  latter  town,  Nov.  9,  1905 
About  200  words. 

Dominican  missionary  or  missionaries  (not  named).  Nu  Napia  Amigo  anmana  Devocionario  du 
chirin  nu  Ibatan  a  ichasantos  nu  cristiano:  a  pinarin  da  ni  Padres  Misioneros  du  Islas 
Batanes.  Manila  1901.  (Bound  together  with  the  following,  which  is  also  bound  separately.) 

—  Visitas  du  Santisimo  cani  Santa  Maria  a  pinayapu  ni  S.  Alfonso  Ligorio.  Manila  1901.    . 


944  Carlos  Everett  Conant, 

Paula  Franco  de  and  Castano  NicolAs.  Diccionario  Espafiol  y  Batan.  (Date  and  place  un- 
certain. About  200  items  of  this  work  have  been  copied  by  Retana,  Archivo  del  Biblid- 
filo  Filipino,  vol.  II,  Madrid  1896,  Prologo,  pp.  XIII— XIX.) 

Rodriguez  Jose.  Catecismo  dc  la  Doctrina  Christiana.  Manila  1834.  (Reprinted  by  Retana, 
Archivo  del  Bib.  Fil.,  vol.  II,  Madrid  1896,  pp.  260—306.) 

SCHEERER  Otto.  The  Batan  Dialect  as  a  Member  of  the  Philippine  Group  of  Languages  of 
Ethnology  Publications,  vol.  V,  part  I,  Manila  1008. 

Bikol. 

-f  Lisboa  Marcos  de.  Vocabulario  de  la  lengua  Bicol.  2ded.,  Manila  1865.  (The  only  dictionary. 
A  folio  vol.  in  2  parts,  Bkl.-Sp.  and  Sp.-Bkl.,  417  and  104  pp.) 
Herrejon  Santos.  Lecciones  de  Gramatica  Bicol-Hispana.  Binondo  1882. 
Vera  Roman  Maria  de.  Gramatica  Hispano-Bicol.  Manila  1904. 

Bilan. 

Montano  J.  Raport  &c.  (see  Ata). 

Bisaya.  (Cebuan.) 

Conant  C.  E.  A  Bisaya-English  Dictionary  (MS)  prepared  at  Cebii,  P.  I.,  1906,  with  collaboration 

of  Vicente  Sotto  and  Juan  Villagonzalo.  About  5500  words. 
Encarnacion  Juan  Felix  de  la.   Diccionario  Bisaya-Espanol,  3'1  ed.  Manila  1885,  437  pp.  fol. 

bound  together  with  the  following. 
Diccionario  Espafiol-Bisaya,  3d  ed.  Manila   1885,   349  pp.  fol.   (The   standard  work   for  the 

Cebuan  dialect.  It  also  contains  many  words  from  other  Bis.  dialects.) 
Encina  Francisco.    Gramatica  Bisaya-Cebuana  del  P.  Fr.  En.  Augustino  Calzado   reformada 

por  el  M.  R.  P.  Fr.  Nicolas  Gonzalez,  Manila  1885. 
Guillen  Felix.  Gramatica  Bisaya  para  facilitar  el  estudio  del  Dialecto  Bisaya  Cebuano.  Malabon  1898. 
I   Zueco  de  S.  Joaquin  Ramon.   Metodo  del   Dr.  Ollendorf   para  aprender  a  leer,    hablar  y 

escribir  un  idioma  cualquiera,  adaptado  al  Visaya.  2l  ed.  Manila  1884. 

Bisaya.  (Hiligaina.  Spoken  in  Panay  and  Occidental  Negros.) 

Mentrida  Alfonso  de.  Diccionario  de  la  lengua  Bisaya,  Hiligucina  y  Haraya  de  la  Isla  de 
Panay.  Manila  1851.  (This  work  comprises  the  first  460  pp.  of  a  vol.  of  827  folio  pp.  the 
second  part  which  is  the  following  item.) 

Martin  Julian.  Diccionario  Hispano-Bisaya.  Manila  1842.  (The  only  large  dictionary  of  the 
Panayan  dialects.  My  access  to  this  rare  work  was  due  to  the  courtesy  of  the  Hon.  T. 
H.  Pardo  de  Tavera,  who  kindly  allowed  me  to  consult  his  copy  in  his  library  at  Manila.) 

Lozano  Raymundo.  Cursos  de  lengua  Pannyana.  Manila  1876.  (Contains  a  Bisaya-Spanish  dic- 
tionary, pp.  91—231.) 

Mentrida  Alfonso.  Arte  de  la  lengua  Bisaya-Hiligayna  de'  la  Isla  de  Panay  .  .  .  corregido  y 
aumentado  por  el  M.  R.  P.  Jose  Aparicio.  Tambobong  1894. 

Bisaya.  (Samar  and  Leyte.) 
3    SAnchez  DE  la  Rosa  Antonio.   Diccionario  Hispano-Bisaya   para   las   provincias  de   Samar  y 
Leyte.  Manila  1895.  (480  folio  pages,  bound  together  with  the  following  item.) 
—  Diccionario  Bisaya-Espanol  .  .  •  para  las  provincias  de  Samar  y  Leyte.  Manila  1895.  (332  pp.  fol.) 
Gramatica  Hispano  Visaya  .  .  .  de  las  provincias  de  Leyte  y  Samar.  Manila  1887.   (Contains 
a  most  instructive  Compendio  Visaya,  pp.  298—327.  Note  that  the  author  wrote  Bisaya 
[not  Visaya]  in  his  later  work  just  listed.) 
Imgueroa  Antonio.  Arte  del  Idioma  Visaya  de  Samar  y  Leite.  2'  ed.  Biondo  1872. 

Bisaya.  (Masbate  and  Tikau.) 
Rosa  Pablo  de  la.   Vocabulario  Visaya-Ingles        Metodo  practice)   snn^   ingles  agud   mapag- 
adalan  sang  mga  taga  isla  sang  Masbate  cag  Ticao.  Manila  1905. 

Bisaya  (of  Cuyo         Kuyunon). 
Augustinian  Friar  An.  Adalan  sa  mga  Christianos  nga  insultat  sa  cuyunon  ig  sa  isarang  Padre 
Augustino  Recoleto.  2'1  ed.  Manila  1904.  (A  pamphlet  of  72  pp.  containing  the  Chri- 
stian doctrine  in  Kuyunon.) 


The  Pepet  Law  in  Philippine  Languages.  945 

Conant  A.  E.  A  word  list  of  the  Kuyunon  dialect  (SM)  furnished  orally  by  a  native  of  Cuyo. 
Manila  1904.  Contains  the  numerals  and  names  of  parts  of  the  body  (ca.  50  words). 

Bontok. 

Jenks  A.  E.  The  Bontoc  Igorot.  Ethnological  Survey  Publications,  vol.  I,  Manila  1905. 

Chamorro. 

Conant  C.  E.   Consonant  Changes  and  Vowel   Harmony  in  Chamorro.  Publ.   in  "Anthropos", 

vol.  VI,  pp.  136—146. 
Fritz  Georo.  Chamorro-Grammatik.  In  "Mitteilung  des  Seminars  fur  orientalische  Sprachen  an 

der  kdniglichen  Friedrich  Wilhelms-Universitat  zu  Berlin,  Jahrgang  VI,   erste  Abteilung: 

Ostasiatische  Studien".  Berlin  1903,  pp.  1—27. 
—  Chamorro- Wdrteibuqh  in  zwei  Teilen :  Deutsch-Chamorro  und  Chamorro-Deutsch,  auf  der  Insel 

Saipan,  Marianen,  gesammelt  von  G.  F.,  kaiserl.  Bezirksamtmann  auf  Saipan.  Berlin  1903. 
Ibanez  del  Carmen  Aniceto.   Diccionario  Espanol-Chamorro  que  dedica   a  las   escuelas   de 

Marianas  el  P.  Fr.  A.  lb.  del  C.  Cura  Parroco  de  Agaiia.  Manila  1865. 
Safford  W.  E.   The  Chamorro  Language   of  Guam.  Published  serially  in  vols.  V,   VI  and  VII 

of  the  "American  Anthropologist",  Washington,  D.  C.  1903,  1904,  1905. 

Gaddang. 

Conant  C.  E.  A  Brief  Comparative  Word  List  of  the  Yogad,  Gaddang,  and  Itawi  Dialects  (MS). 

A  list  of  75  English  words  with  their  equivalents  in  the  three  dialects  taken  orally  from 

several  natives  in  N.  Luzon,  1904  and  1905. 
Rodriguez  Jose.  Catecismo  de  la  Doctrina  Christiana  en  lengua  Ga-dang  impreso  por  primera 

vez  el  ano  1833.  2d  ed.  Manila  1897.  (173  pp.) 

Haraya. 

(See  above,  Bisaya  Hiligaina.  Padre  Pedro  Chirino  gives  the  Haraya  version  of  the  "Ave  Maria" 
in  his  famous  work  "Relacion  de  las  Islas  Filipinas",  2l  ed.  Manila  1890,  p.  54.  Mentrida, 
in  his  Hiligaina  grammar  [pp.  18 — 20]  gives  the  Haraya  "declinacion"  of  the  articles 
and  pronouns.  Padre  Hilario  Santaren  wrote  a  "Catecismo  Historico"  entirely  in  the 
Haraya  dialect,  printed  by  the  Colegio  de  Santo  Tomas,  Manila  1877.) 

Hiligaina. 

(See  Bisaya  Hiligaina.) 

Ibanag. 

Bugarin  Jose.  Diccionario  Ibanag-Espafiol  compuesto  en  lo  antiguo  por  el  R.  P.  Fr.  J.  B., 
reducido  a  mejor  forma  por  el  R.  P.  Fr.  Anronio  Lobato  de  Sto.  Tomas;  compendiado 
por  el  R.  P.  Pr.  Julian  Velichon,  Vicario  Provincial;  reducido  a  metodo  mas  claro,  con 
un  suplemento,  y  dado  a  luz  por  el  R.  P.  Fr  Ramon  Rodriguez,  antiguo  ministro  en 
Cagayan  y  actuel  Procurador  General  de  la  Provincia  del  Santisimo  Rosario,  de  orden  de 
N.  M.  R.  P.  Provincial  Fr.  Antonio  Carrillo.  Manila  1854.  (The  only  large  Ibg.-Span. 
diet,  published.  It  is  a  folio  vol.  containing  12  -|—  280  -j-  76  pages.) 

MS  Ibanag-Spanish  dictionary  (tille  page  lacking)  containing  174  folios  (348  pp.  and  an  "Indice 
de  las  raices  anticuadas  estrahidas  de  cuerpo  del  Diccionario  para  mayor  comodidad" 
containing  16  folios  to  "quippal".  It  is  very  closely  but  clearly  written  and  contains  a 
large  number  of  words  and  definitions  not  found  in  the  foregoing. 

Payo  Pedro.  Diccionario  Espanol-Ibanag  (sic).  Manila  1867. 

Fausto  de  Duevas  Jose  Maria.  Arte  Nuevo  de  la  Lengua  Ybanag.  2'1  ed.  Manila  1854. 

(The  so-called  grammars  of  Nolasco  de  Medio  and  Nepomuceno  are  manuals  in  Ibg.  for  the 
study  of  Spanish.) 

Iloko. 

Carro  Andres.  Vocabulario  Iloco-Espanol.  2'1  ed.  Manila  1888.  (The  only  large  Ilk.-Span.  diet., 

a  folio  vol.  containing  XII  -f-  295  pp.) 
Floresca  Romual  do.  Vocabulary  English-Ilocano.  Vigan  1904.  (237  pp.  small  8  vol.) 
Lopez  and  Carro.  Gramatica  Ilocana.  3'1  ed.  Malabon  1895. 


946  Carlos  Everett  Conant, 

Inibaloi. 

Scheerer  otto.  The  Nabaloi  Dialect.  Ethnological  Survey  Pub.  vol.  II,  Manila  1905.  (Corrected 
and  checked  by  my  own  lists  taken  in  Baguio,  Bcnguet  1903,  1905,  and  1906.) 

Isinai. 
Rocamora  Francisco.  Catecismo  de  la  Doctrina  Crlstiana   en  la  lengua  dc  Isinay  6  Inmeas. 

Manila  176.  (176  pages.) 
Conant  C.  E.   Isinai-English  Word  List  compiled   from  the  foregoing.   Baguio,   Benguet,   P.  I., 

1907  (MS). 

Itawi. 
(See  Gaddang.)  / 

Kalamian.  v 

Jeronimo  de  la  Viroen  de  Monserrate.  Vocabulario  Castcllano-Calamiano.  MS  of  1789 
published  by  W.  E.  Retana,  Arch,  del  Bib.  Fil.  vol.  II,  pp.  207-224. 

Kankanai. 

Conant  C.  E.   Kankanai  Word  Lists  (MS)  taken  orally  from  eight  Kankanai  boys,   each  being 
questioned  privately,   at  Baguio,   Benguet  1903.   Fifty  words,   chiefly  numerals  and  parts 
of  the  body. 
X  Lagsaca  M.  (Quoted  by  Scheerer,  "Batan  Dialect",  p.  20  et  passim.) 

Kuyunon. 

(Sec  Bisaya  of  Cuyo.) 

Lepanto. 
Schadenberq  Alex.  op.  cit.,  for  Banawi,  q.  v. 

Magindanau 

Juanmarti  Jacinto.    Diccionario   Moro-Maguindanao-Espafiol   and   Diccionario   Espafiol   Moro- 
Maguidanao.  Manila  1892.  (The  two  parts  bound  in  one  4to  vol.  272  and  242  pp.) 
Gramatica  de  la  Lengua  de  Maguindanao  segun  se  habla  en  el  centro  y  en  la  costa  sur  de 
la  Isla  de  Mindanao.  Manila  1892. 
SwriH  Capt.  C.  C.  A  Grammar  of  the  Maguindanao  Tongue.  Washington,  D.  C,  1906.  (A  trans- 
lation of  the  foregoing.) 

Manobo.'' 
A  Montano  J.  Rapport  &c.  (sec  Ata.)  , 

Pampanga. ,/ 
\      Berqano  Dieoo.   Vocabulario  de  la  lengua  Pampanga  en  Romance.    Reimpreso:   Manila  1860. 
(The  only  large  dictionary,  343  pp.  fol.,   of  which  pp.  279—343  are  taken  up  with  a 
"Diccionario  de  Romance  en  Pampango".) 
Arte  de  la  lengua  Pampanga.  Manila  1729. 
Fernandez  Eligio.  Nuevo  Vocabulario  Espafiol,  Tagalo  y  Pampango.  4"'  ed.  Manila  1896. 
Parker  Luther.  An  English-Spanish-Pampango  Dictionary.  Manila  1905. 

Pangasinan.  ^ 

Cosgaya  Lorenzo  Fernandez.  Diccionario  Pangasinan-Espanol.  Manila  1865.  (in  two  parts: 
"Diccionario  de  la  lengua  Pangasinana"  and  "Vocabulario  Hispano-Pangasinan",  330-f-121 
pp.  fol.  The  only  large  dictionary  and  exceedingly  race.  I  secured  my  copy  privately  in 
Manila  after  searching  for  a  copy  for  two  years  in  vain.) 

Pellicer  Mariano.  Arte  dc  la  lengua  Pangasinan  6  Caboloan.  3' ed.  Manila  1904. 

Samal.  \S 

'  i     Montano  J.  Rapport  &c.  (see  Ata). 

Sambal.  v 
REED  W.  A.  Negritos  of  Zambales.  Ethnological  Survey  Pub.  vol!.  II,  part  I,  Manila   1904. 

Sulu.  * 

CowiE  Andson.  English-Sulu-Malay  Vocabulary.  London  1893. 

Havnes  T.  H.  English,  Sulu,  and  Malay  Vocabulary.  Published  in  Journal  of  the  Straits  Branch 
Roy.  As.  Soc,  Dec.  1885  and  Dec.  1886. 

Tagakaolo.  S 

Montano  J.  Rapport  &c.  (see  Ata). 


The  Pepet  Law  in  Philippine  Languages.  947 

Tagalog. 

Noceda  Juan  de  and  Sani.ucar  Pedro  de.  Vocabulario  de  la  lengua  Tagala.  Reimpreso  en 
Manila  1860.  (642  pp.  fol.  in  two  parts:  "Vocabulario  Hispano-Tagalog  (sic)"  pp.  423—642. 
The  most  complete  and  reliable  dictionary.) 

niqg  Charles.  A  Tagalog  English  and  English  Tagalog  Dictionary,  Manila  1904.  (360  pp.  8  vol.) 

Minguella  de  las  Mercedes  Toribio.  Ensayo  de  Gramatica  Hispano-Tagala.  Manila  1878. 

San  Josef  Francisco  de.  Arte  y  Reglas  de  la  lengua  Tagala.  Manila  1832. 

S.  Augustin  Gaspar  de.  Compendio  del  Arte  de  la  lengua  Tagala  3d  ed.  Manila  1979. 

Totanes  Sebastian  de.  Arte  de  la  lengua  Tagala,  y  Manual  Tagalog  (sic).  Binondo  1865. 

Tagbanwa. 

Everett  A.  Hart.  Word  list  incorporated  in  Swettenham's  "Comparative  Vocabulary  of  the 
Dialects  of  some  of  the  Wild  Tribes  inhabiting  the  Malayan  Peninsula,  Borneo,  &c", 
Journal  of  the  Straits  Branch  of  the  R.  A.  S.,  June  1880. 

Marcilla  v.  Martin  Cipriano.  Estudio  de  los  Alfabetos  Filipinos.  Malabon  1895. 

Tingyan. 

Meyer  Hans.  Eine  Weltreise.  Leipzig  1884. 

Tigurai. 

Bennasar  Guillermo.  Diccionario  Tiruray-Espafiol.  Manila  1892. 
—  Diccionario  Espanol-Tiruray.  Manila  1893. 

Un  P.  misionero  de  la  Compania  de  Jesus  (known  to  be  Padre  F.  BennAsar).  Observaciones 
gramaticales  sobre  la  lengua  Tiruray.  Manila  1892. 

Yogad. 

(See  above,  Gaddang.) 

2.  Other  works  which  have  been  especially  useful  in  the  preparation  of  this  article : 

Set  in  Adriani  N.  Sangireesche  Spraakkunst.  Leiden  1893. 

Set  in  Brandstetter  Renward.  Malayo-polynesische  Forschungen.  Erste  Reihe:  II.  Die  Be- 
ziehungen  des  Malagasy  zum  Malaiischen.  Luzern  1893.  —  Zweite  Reihe:  II.  Tagalen 
und  Madegassen.  Luzern  1902.  III.  Ein  Prodromus  zu  einem  vergleichenden  Worterbuch 
der  malaio-polynesischen  Sprachen.  Luzern  1906.  IV.  Mata-Hari,  oder  Wanderungen  eines 
indonesischen  Sprachforschers  durch  die  drei  Reiche  der  Natur.  Luzern  1908. 

Cabaton  Antoine.  Dix  dialectes  indochinois  recueillis  par  Prosper  Odend'hal,  administrateur 
des  services  civils  de  l'Indochine;  etude  linguistique  par  A.  C.  Reprint  from  the  March- 
April,  1905,  number  of  "Journal  Asiatique",  Paris  1905. 

Favre  L'Abbe  P.  Dictionnaire  Malais-Francais.  Vienna  1875,  2  vols.  8vo.,  and  Dictionnaire 
Francais-Malais.  Vienna  1880,  2  vols.  8vo. 

Ferrand  Gabriel.  Un  texte  arabico-malgache  du  XVI9  siecle,  transcrit,  traduit  et  annote  d'apres 
les  mss.  7  et  8  de  la  Bibliotheque  nationale,  being  an  extract  from  Notices  et  Extraits, 
vol.  XXXVIII,  pp.  449—576.  Paris  1904. 

Ferrand's  great  work  on  the  Malagasi  dialects,  entitled  "Essai  de  phonetique  comparee  du 
malais  et  des  dialectes  malgaches",  Paris  1909,  did  not  come  to  hand  in  time  to  be 
consulted  for  the  present  study. 

Hardeland  Aug.  Dajacksch-Deutsches  Worterbuch.  Amsterdam  1859. 

Kern  H.  Taalvergelijkende  verhandeling  over  het  Aneityumsch  met  een  Aanhangsel  over  het 
Eromanga.  Amsterdam  1906. 

Schmidt  P.  W.  Die  Mon-Khmer-Volker,  ein  Bindeglied  zwischen  Volkern  Zentralasiens  und 
Austronesiens.  Braunschweig  1906. 

Sievers  Eduard.  Grundzuge  der  Phonetik,  5"'  ed.  Leipzig  1901. 

Worcester  Dean  C.  The  Non-Christian  Tribes  of  Northern  Luzon,  published  in  The  Philippine 
of  Science,  vol.  I,  no.  8.  Manila,  October,  1906. 


ERRATA 

For  some  reason,  not  yet  known  to  the  author,  his   proof  corrections,   sent   from   America   to   Vienna, 
failed  to  be  made  by  the  printer,  hence  the  necessity  of  indicating   them   here. 

A   few  entirely  obvious  misprints,  e.  g.,  thaf   (for  that),   are  passed   without   notice, 
p.  920,  line  2,  for:   Lecturer  of,  read:   Lecturer  in 

922,  line  14,  for:  top,  read:  stop 

923,  line    19,   omit   period   after   from 
line  27,  for:  'piga,  read:  piga 

926,  line  9,  for:  intervocative,  read:  intervocalic 
928,  line  4  from  end,  for:  927,  read:  925 

930,  3d   line   before   Table  V,   read:   If   these  are    to   be   connected    with 

931,  footnote   1,  line  2,   for:   eastly,  read:   easily 

932,  4th   line  before  Table   VI,  for:   inserted   a,  read:    inserted    as 

933,  2d  line  following  table  at  top  of  page,  for:  931.  read:  927 
last    line    preceding   Table   VII,   for:   931,   read:    927 

line  3  from  end  of  page,  lor:   Xapia,   read:   Mapia 
936,  footnote   1,  line  4,  for:   iisa,   read:   isa 
>r :  and  as  e,  read :  and  as  i 
line   14,  for:    Ibg.,  read:  by 

line  3  from  end,  for:   Bis  ialum,  read:    Bis!   ilalum 
line   2   from    end,    parenthesize   nipen 

939,  line  2,  parenthesize  epat 

line    16,  for:   keuai,  read:   kenai 

line  4  from  end  of  text,  for:  tattal   (Bis.,  read:  tattal,  Bis., 

footnote   2,   line  4,   read:   serveza    (for  cervez 

footnote  3,  line  1,  for:   Nap:a,  read:  Mapia 

940,  line  8,  for:  that   Inb..   read:  that  of   Inb. 
line  15,   for:  Togad,  read:   Yogad 

line   17.  for:  bagga,  read:  haggat 
line  18,  for:  rics,  read:  rice 

line    before    "U-languages,"    for:    leg.,   read:    Ibg. 
lines  4  and  2  from  end,  for:  anon,  read:  'anon 
last   line,  for:  a   (ka),  read:   'a   (ka) 

941,  line   1,  for:   a    (ak),   read:  a'   (ak) 

943,  second    heading   under    "Bibliography,"    for:   Ragobo,  read:   Bagobo. 
line  4  from  end,  for:   Xapia,  read:   Mapia 

944,  lnu-   6,   for:    Languages   of,   read:    Languages.     Division   of 

7,  for:   1008,  read:   1908 
7th   line  under   heading  "Bisaya   (Hiligayna,"   etc.,   for:    Pannyana,   read:   Panayana 
line  3   from    end    of   page,   for:   insultat,   read:   insulat 

945,  kne    1,   for:   A.    E.,   read:   C.    E.,  and   for:    (SM),   read:    (MS) 

>nd    line    under   heading   "Ibanag,"   for:  Anronio,   read:   Antonio 
3d    line   under   heading   "Ibanag,"   for:    Pr.  Julian  Velichon,  read:   Fr.  Julian  Velinchon 
line  2  from  end,  read:  Romualdo,  and:  8vo 

946,  line  2  under   heading  "Linai."   for:    Manila    176,   read:    Manila    1876 
under    heading    "Magindanau",    for:    SWITH,  read:  SMITH 
under   heading   "Sulu."   for:    1IAVXES,   read:    HAYNES 

947,  line  3,  insert  after:  in  two  parts:  the  following:  "Vocabulario  de  la  lengua  Tagala,"  pp.  1-422,  and 
line   7,   for:    1979.  read:   1879 

under    heading    "Tagbanwa,"    for:    MARCILLA  V  MARTIN,  read:  MARCILLA  Y  MARTIN 
for  the  heading:  Tigurai,  read:  Tirurai 

at  center  of  page,  omit  the  words:  Set  in,  before  the  names  ADRIANI  and   BRANDSTETTER 
last  two  lines  of  page,  for:  Philippine  of  Science,   read:    Philippine  Journal   of   Science. 

XOTE:    As  the  manuscript  of  this  study  has  been  in  the  hands  of  the  publisher  since  October,  1909,  no 
■  nee  is  made  to  contributions  to  Indonesian   philology  appearing  since  that  date,  with  the  exception 
he  author's  own  articles,  already  prepared  and  awaiting  publication,  the  proper  citations  having  been 
quently  communicated   to  the  publisher. 

Chattanooga,   Tennessee 
March   1,   1913 


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